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Taiwan Has Made Its Case for Inclusion : Geopolitics: The United States should add its vote to those who believe the country has earned a U.N. seat.

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<i> Robert W. Kasten Jr. (R-Wis.) was a U.S. senator from 1981 to 1993. </i>

The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Seattle last month demonstrates one thing above all else: that 15 diverse Pacific Rim governments can set aside their respective differences long enough to constructively address common objectives. Too bad that all 15 cannot also deliberate together within the larger forum of the United Nations.

Petty political prejudices still bar Taiwan from that larger “universal” club despite its beneficial role in APEC, the Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference and the Asia Development Bank, among other groups. U.S. leadership in forging the APEC dialogue is sadly lacking when it comes to the U.N. issue.

At a time when the United Nations is called upon to shoulder increasing peacekeeping and humanitarian relief duties around the world, it seems odd that the institution has not enthusiastically embraced Taiwan’s active bid for participation. The 21 million democratic citizens of Taiwan--one of the world’s wealthiest economies--have no voice and no role in the United Nations. An outdated custom persists that the repressive Beijing government should remain the sole U.N. spokesman and representative for all Chinese citizens, including those on Taiwan, despite the fact that Taiwan’s people have never lived under China’s rule and show no desire to do so now.

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Taiwan’s people deserve better than this. In the space of one generation, they have constructed an economic and political model that is the envy of most of the Third World. African, Asian and Latin American governments are lining up at Taipei’s doorstep with applications for aid and development-training programs. The Chinese mainland has welcomed and embraced much-needed industrial investment by Taiwan entrepreneurs. Even Washington has encouraged Taipei to assist in multilateral efforts to promote global prosperity and democratic development.

Possessing the world’s 20th-largest gross national product and one of the largest reserves of foreign exchange anywhere, Taiwan is regularly asked to ante up for international programs. But when it comes to commensurate recognition and deference for Taiwan’s hard-working people, old political prejudices and inhibitions frequently block the way.

Some American policy-makers argue that Taiwan’s record of economic and political development justifies an international standing, including GATT and World Bank membership, yet they oppose formal U.S. support for Taiwan’s U.N. membership. This dichotomy suggests that politics, more than practicality and logic, colors the issue.

As a U.S. senator, I sponsored a series of successful amendments between 1983 and 1986 endorsing Taiwan’s continuing membership in the Asian Development Bank, in face of persistent efforts by Beijing to expel or diminish Taipei’s participation. Then, as now, the value of Taiwan’s active participation in the multilateral arena was generally recognized and supported by Congress and the Administration. Significantly. Taiwan’s contributions to the bank in recent years have clearly justified the confidence and support demonstrated by the United States at that time. The present situation argues strongly for the same support.

The Shanghai Communique of 1972--embodied in a Washington-Beijing press release--purportedly finessed the China issue by “acknowledging” the claim of both Taipei and Beijing that Taiwan is part of China’s territory. More to the point, however, is the subsequent Taiwan Relations Act of 1979--overwhelmingly voted into law by Congress--that places the U.S. government officially on record as supportive of the Taiwan people’s unique interests and right to security.

All of which brings us to the issue of whether the United States should support Taiwan’s participation in the United Nations. Although Taiwan’s population is greater than that of two-thirds of current United Nations members, its people have no voice in this universally representative body. For some, its dramatic democratic and economic advances--not to mention its potential capacity for positive contributions to the United Nations--have no persuasive bearing on the question.

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This is not in the American tradition. Even if the Taiwan Relations Act did not officially militate for our defense of the island’s integrity and interests, the principles of international justice, democratic rights and universal franchise would bear on our consideration of the issue. Now that the number of nations endorsing Taiwan’s U.N. participation has nearly tripled, and is still growing, it is time for the United States to add its authoritative voice to this international chorus.

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