Rostenkowski’s Reelection Bid Creating High Drama : Politics: Primary election is no shoo-in for once unstoppable House leader. Now he is a target of two probes and faces two strong challenges.

The Democratic voters of Illinois’ 5th Congressional District, a conglomeration of wealthy liberals, young families, gays and white ethnic working-class households, will make a choice on March 15 that could have an impact far beyond their slice of this city’s north side.

This is where Rep. Dan Rostenkowski, the powerful chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, is making a bid for his 19th term in Washington, and the race is by no means decided.

A key player in the Clinton Administration’s strategy for passing health care reform, Rostenkowski is under investigation in both Washington and Chicago. Allegations range from misuse of House Post Office money to padding his payroll with “ghost” employees. He has denied any wrongdoing, though he announced recently that he had reimbursed the federal Treasury for $82,000 in questionable purchases at the House stationery store.

Against this backdrop, challengers have created a drama in the upcoming primary election that would have been unthinkable a mere two terms ago. Rostenkowski has not one, but two, strong challengers from his own party in a field of five candidates.

Dick Simpson, a University of Illinois professor and a former Chicago alderman, did well against the incumbent in 1992. State Sen. John Cullerton, a party regular who entered the fray just last month, has quickly turned the rematch into a three-way competition.

For decades, Rostenkowski had seemed impervious to any opposition, rarely garnering less than 60% of the vote. Two years ago, in a redrawn district, he had serious primary opposition from Simpson, who had a political base in the liberal lakefront sectors. But Rostenkowski still won his party’s nomination--tantamount in Chicago to taking the seat itself.

Then, before the general election, the U.S. attorney in Washington issued subpoenas in the post office scandal. Rostenkowski took “just” 57% of the vote against Elias R. Non-Incumbent Zenkich--the Republican challenger who had officially changed his name. By comparison, Rostenkowski had pulled in 79% of the general-election vote in 1990.

Pressed even harder as the probe expanded, the 66-year-old Rostenkowski has been marshaling his forces of late. This week, U.S. Labor Secretary Robert B. Reich and Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley offered strong testimonials during an appearance in the district. There is talk that President Clinton may visit before Election Day as well. And Rostenkowski is expected to launch a costly advertising campaign soon.

The Chicago Tribune has endorsed him, in what the paper described as “a difficult call.” An editorial said that “some of his actions have invited public distrust,” but it cited “his long and impressive record of achievement.”

Simpson’s supporters suspect that Cullerton’s belated arrival on the ballot could also turn out to be one of Rostenkowski’s secret weapons. If the anti-Rostenkowski vote splits between the two main challengers, the incumbent could snag a narrow victory.

“Cullerton has always been a loyal (Democratic) machine guy,” said Tom Gradel, president of Simpson’s campaign committee. “He’s always voted with the machine. He depends on the machine support so if they really wanted him out of the race, they could do it.”

In Gradel’s mind, Cullerton believes “either he would cause Simpson to be defeated and get Rostenkowski in, or things split outright, he would be elected. He won either way.”

Certainly Cullerton is ill-cast as an opponent of the Establishment’s man. Someone from the Cullerton clan has held elective office in Chicago since 1870. The congressional candidate’s cousins and uncles have held the titles of alderman, state representative, county assessor.

At 45, Cullerton has been a state senator for three years, and a representative for the 12 previous years. He had said publicly he would not run for Congress unless Rostenkowski decided not to run, but in the fall his attitude began to change. Some Democratic committeemen grew alarmed enough about the unfolding investigations to pick names out of the phone book and place calls in every ward in the 5th District, inquiring about Rostenkowski’s chances.

“The results we got were astonishing,” said Bernie Hansen, the 44th Ward committeeman, a Chicago alderman--and a neighbor of Cullerton’s. “It wasn’t just the charges; they didn’t like his attitude, like he was arrogant, like he was above it all.”

Hansen said he and others encouraged Cullerton to finance a professional survey. In January, he said, the results showed that 67% of the 500 people polled wanted a new representative in Congress.

Preferring Cullerton to the more maverick-style Simpson, Hansen urged his neighbor to step in.

The state senator differentiates himself from Simpson by arguing that he is more effective. He has not concentrated on the incumbent.

“Are we going to attack Dan Rostenkowski? No,” said Dana DeBeaumont, press secretary for the Cullerton campaign. “We don’t need to. The media (are) doing a very good job of informing the people about his troubles.”

Clearly, Rostenkowski should not be counted out. He “has been underestimated before,” cautions the Almanac of American Politics. He will boast that he has brought an impressive share of federal money to Chicago and Illinois, and that he is needed to shepherd the Administration’s legislative agenda on Capitol Hill.

In the district, both the arguments for and against are clearly potent. “I think he stole,” said Matt Furlin, a 33-year-old contractor who has voted for “Rosty” in the past. “I have to pay for my sins. Why shouldn’t he have to?” But in the next breath, he added that Rostenkowski “brings home the bacon.”

Times staff researcher Tracy Shryer contributed to this story.