U.S. Role in Balkans

* James Baker wants the U.N. to get out of Bosnia (which make sense) and hole up in Macedonia, together with a larger U.S. force than is presently there (Opinion, June 25). He calls this containment. In this way we can be sure that Macedonia will not fall, and that Bosnia conflict will spread no further. His logic leaves much to be desired, in as much as he later describes Greater Serbia as a “relatively weak and poor country on Europe’s periphery.”

Isn’t it obvious that the only path open to ending the conflict in Bosnia is through negotiation, given that the Western powers and especially the U.S. are not prepared to commit the level of military force to bring an end to the conflict? If that premise is accepted, then it is equally obvious that the Western powers need to establish leverage with which to negotiate. There is mounting evidence that the economic condition of Serbia is becoming critical. Wouldn’t a real, get-tough embargo be our best chance to salvage Bosnia?

It doesn’t preclude bivouacking in Macedonia, if we like camping out.

LARRY KAUFMAN

Los Angeles

* Ted Van Dyk (Commentary, June 23) suggests that because ethnic and religious struggles have been the rule in the Balkans for centuries, we should not become involved except to prevent the conflict from spreading. It is time for the leadership of the United States and other major powers to recognize that “vital interests” should include factors other than just economic or strategic considerations. Criminal behavior on a national scale by one people against another may have long-range consequences beyond the short-range effects on such things as oil supplies or access to critical supply routes.

In the case of the Bosnian conflict, our failure to provide support for the Muslim population is duly noted by the Muslim world at large. Countries such as Iran are the only ones to supply weapons to the Bosnian government in spite of the arms embargo. Relationships among major ethnic and religious groups of the world must always be included among the factors that affect our vital interests. Our national leadership should accept the responsibility for shaping understanding of the interaction of all the factors affecting our national security rather than relying passively on public opinion polls to determine national policy. Obviously, there will be no public support for decisive intervention in Bosnia as long as our leaders assure us that we have no interest in the eventual outcome.

WILLIAM S. BURDIC

Yorba Linda

* Regarding the letter of Alexander Yahontov (June 12), on the bombing of Belgrade on April 14, 1944: I would remind him that there was also a Nazi puppet government in Serbia. American bombers were hitting German military installations throughout Yugoslavia during World War II. Military targets in Croatia were also hit. Retreating German and Croatian collaborators fleeing Zagreb were hit by American and British fighters in 1945. Also, Royal Air Force planes of the Balkan Air Force (trained in California) hit enemy communication, oil-storage targets and ammunition dumps in central Yugoslavia. It was unfortunate that innocent civilians were killed.

Both Croatian and Serbian collaborators turned captured U.S. airmen and other Allies over to the Gestapo. Close to 500 Americans were rescued by Yugoslav Chetniks and a similar number by Tito’s Partisans.

I have been the guest of Serbian citizens who still remember the contributions of the United States during World War II. Among my circle of friends, Americans are held in high esteem. We were allies in two world wars.

VAL RODRIGUEZ

Signal Hill