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Clinton Urges Russians to Stay on Reform Path

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TIMES STAFF WRITERS

President Clinton on Sunday assured anxious Russians that the United States will remain a close and generous partner and cautioned disillusioned voters against being lured from the path of reform by the siren song of nostalgia.

After a day spent in the spotlight with Russian President Boris N. Yeltsin, Clinton took his case directly to the Russian people that the world is safer now that the former superpower adversaries have put aside their nuclear rivalry.

From a Kremlin news conference to a Cathedral Square stroll with Yeltsin in spring drizzle, Clinton reminded Russians of the giant strides they have made in building a new democracy and wresting control of their lives from an ossified state.

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As voters throughout Russia grumble about the hardships brought about by free-market changes, those who have benefited the least from the transition are increasingly drawn to Communist Party presidential contender Gennady A. Zyuganov’s message that they could and should return to the past.

Clinton deftly avoided outright support for Yeltsin in his reelection bid or direct condemnation of Zyuganov. But his distaste for the Communist’s campaign theme was clear.

At a meeting with U.S. diplomats and businessmen after his Kremlin talks, Clinton thanked “the face of America in Russia” for helping this country through the hard work of building a democracy and free market.

In a clear swipe at Zyuganov, Clinton told the Americans: “We should not be surprised when people do well politically by promising a return to the ‘good old days’ and by denying the sweep of change through the world.”

Quoting Will Rogers in rejecting talk of good old days “because there were none,” Clinton urged the Americans to tough out the task of guiding Russians along the reform path.

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Although Yeltsin was clearly the biggest beneficiary of the atmospheric U.S.-Russian meeting that followed an equally symbolic conference on nuclear security by the Group of 7 industrialized nations, he appeared detached and unconcerned about his political standing.

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At a news conference with Clinton, the Kremlin leader paid scant attention to his guest’s comments, forgetting even to put in his earpiece carrying the Russian translation of Clinton’s responses.

Yeltsin has been on a grueling schedule of campaigning and statesmanship for the past few weeks, and the fatigue was beginning to show at the end of the three-day whirlwind of summitry.

His attention drifted, aides had to prompt him with replies to a couple of questions, and the 65-year-old leader became openly testy on the subjects of Chechnya and his reelection struggle.

Asked whether he thought Russia’s warming relations with the U.S. would be able to continue in the event of a Communist victory in the June 16 presidential election, Yeltsin bellowed, “There’s nothing to think of because I am sure that I will be victorious.”

He also grew agitated by questions about his suspended pullout of federal troops from the separatist republic of Chechnya, insisting there are no further military actions underway there.

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But Clinton carried the day in a mission to make Yeltsin look good, crediting him with disarmament and a recovering economy and assuring voters that they need only stick with reforms to build a great new Russia.

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How much good such a high-profile act of diplomacy will do for Russia or Yeltsin’s reelection chances remains unclear, and even Clinton conceded that foreign policy is not the stuff for swaying voters.

“Whether these things have any benefit or not, who knows?” Clinton said of the summit. “[In] most democracies all over the world, people are preoccupied with problems at home, somewhat skeptical about foreign policy.”

That is certainly the case in Russia, where any effects on Yeltsin’s image from the prestigious gatherings are probably subliminal.

“I think the summit has changed Russians’ opinions of Yeltsin,” historian Irina Popova, 37, said as she watched television news coverage of her leader hobnobbing with Clinton. “Many Russians want to feel they are a part of Europe, and Yeltsin here is a tool to achieve full membership. It is not clear how things would go under Zyuganov.”

But retired engineer Sergei P. Krivov, 69, saw Yeltsin as an opportunist in the role of summit host.

“It could have been anyone else in his place--for instance, Zyuganov,” the pensioner said dismissively. “The G-7 showed its respect for the country, not for the person who destroyed it.”

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Andrei V. Vasilevsky of the Panorama analytical center also said he doubts the summit will have much effect on voters’ views of Yeltsin.

“To change his image, Yeltsin has to do something on the home front, not in the foreign policy arena,” Vasilevsky said.

After their midafternoon news conference, Yeltsin and Clinton waded into crowds near the Kremlin in what amounted to a joint campaign appearance. Enthusiastic Russians crowded in on the two leaders, pressing flowers on them and reaching for their outstretched hands as a light rain fell.

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Clinton relished the walk, the sort of retail campaigning at which he excels; the less approachable Yeltsin seemed much less at ease. Rather than pressing the flesh with Russian voters, Yeltsin spent most of the walkabout describing the 15th century churches of Cathedral Square to his American guest.

The two leaders parted with a bearhug before Clinton ducked into his limousine for a meeting with Russian opposition figures at the U.S. ambassador’s residence in Moscow.

For Clinton, Sunday’s appearances with Yeltsin capped a week designed to showcase his engagement with world leaders while tying foreign policy issues to concerns that are pressing to voters back home.

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From South Korea and Japan, where he dealt with Asian security issues, to Moscow, where he discussed nuclear safety matters with the leaders of the major democracies, Clinton took pains to note that U.S. involvement in global issues is directly relevant to the daily lives of the American people.

And, he said, it is ultimately results at home, not rhetoric on the world stage, that really matter--in Russia and in the United States.

“I told him [Yeltsin] I thought that producing concrete results for the people by doing your job was the best thing to do politically,” Clinton said.

“So it seems to me that that’s what we ought to look at. Have we done the right thing or not? Are people going to be better off or not? Are they going to be safer or not?” Clinton said.

* MEET THE CANDIDATES

President Clinton moderates Russian political debate. A6

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