Blood Shed as Rallies Collide in Yugoslavia

Riot police and demonstrators loyal to Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic clashed with his opponents Tuesday in running battles in the downtown streets here, shedding the first blood since anti-government protests began more than a month ago.

The pro-Milosevic demonstration, with supporters bused in from all over the country, and the violence it provoked appeared to further polarize Serbian society and make more difficult a peaceful resolution to the deepest political crisis faced by this regime.

Delivering his first public speech in Serbia in at least three years, Milosevic addressed tens of thousands of supporters he had brought together, warning that the generally pro-democracy opposition was a “fifth column” backed by overseas powers dedicated to Serbia’s destruction.

“No one will split Serbia,” Milosevic told the workers, retirees, miners and farmers as they chanted, “We love you, Slobo.” He told them, “Nobody will destabilize Serbia.”

The violence left one opposition supporter shot in the head and dozens of people, including two Americans, hurt in scuffles or clubbed by police who also fired tear gas. Until now, opposition demonstrations had been peaceful.

International condemnation was swift.

“The Serbian authorities have flagrantly and provocatively chosen to heighten tensions by bringing thousands of people into Belgrade to confront the peaceful demonstrations by the opposition,” U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott said in Washington. He placed the blame for Tuesday’s violence squarely on Milosevic and warned of “serious consequences.”

Despite Milosevic’s proven ability to command an audience, turn-out for the rally, billed “For Serbia,” fell far below expectations. This raised questions about Milosevic’s next move. He remains vexed by the protests that have been held every day since he annulled opposition victories in Nov. 17 municipal elections. His strategy thus far, to simply wait out his opponents, has not worked.

And opposition leaders also will be forced to face questions about whether they can sustain the momentum that has propelled huge crowds into the streets day after day--especially now that Milosevic has unleashed the heavy hand of the police force.

In concrete terms, the opposition coalition--known as Zajedno, or Together--has little to show for its efforts.

Tuesday’s confrontations in Belgrade--the Yugoslav and Serbian capital--were completely foreseeable. Supporters of Milosevic’s ruling leftist coalition were ordered to the city, then herded to the downtown Trazije Square just two blocks from the daily site of anti-government demonstrations. The pro-Milosevic rally was timed to coincide with the anti-Milosevic march.

Even before the appointed hour, the fights began.

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Small units of Socialists, carrying Serbian flags and Milosevic pictures, tried to shuffle to their meeting site. But they were blocked by opposition supporters, who tore away and destroyed their placards. The rival groups then faced off around an elaborate stage set up for Milosevic, hurling at each other insults, firecrackers, oranges and bottles filled with colorful liquids.

“Thieves!” the opposition activists screamed.

“Traitors!” the Milosevic group countered.

Two hours after the first skirmishes, and as a light snow fell, long lines of helmeted police troops snaked through the crowds, separating the two sides, then pushing the opposition protesters back from the Milosevic bandstand. Several people, including four news photographers, were beaten by police.

Once Milosevic spoke from the brightly lighted stage and his followers dispersed, police moved on to the opposition rally down the street. They let loose with tear gas after being taunted by youths; the troops charged, batons swinging, several times over the ensuing hours.

Opposition leaders, from their fifth-floor balcony overlooking the clashes, pleaded with their followers to go home. Several weeping older women begged the police to stop. Police at one point chased people all the way into the lobby of the opposition’s headquarters.

Milosevic clearly hoped to exploit the class differences between the Belgrade elite heading the opposition demonstrations and their better-educated followers and his blue-collar, less-sophisticated supporters bused in from villages and farms.

Most of those who had been transported into the city seemed bewildered and frightened. Several said they had no idea they would be placed so near their rivals. With nothing but state television for information, most probably believed the propaganda that the opposition movement was a small, violent band of hooligans.

“They say they’re fighting for democracy, then they won’t let us have our demonstration,” moaned a grizzled, denim-clad worker from a machine factory in the town of Aleksinace.

By day’s end, each side was accusing the other of trying to provoke civil war.

“Do you know what Milosevic wants?” asked shop clerk Ljiljana Petrovic, 35, who supports the opposition. “He wants the people to fight [so] then he can impose a kind of martial law. . . . I don’t blame these people who came here today. I only blame Milosevic.”

“We are just Belgrade citizens looking for change,” said computer science student Goran Stevanovic, 25. “This shows Milosevic cannot rule the country without violence. He needs war.”

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Milosevic proved he has the state apparatus at his disposal with the marshaling of buses and the provision of a stage--a professional touch for such public events.

But his failure to rally more support in Serbia--which with tiny Montenegro makes up the rump Yugoslavia--must have disappointed Milosevic.

While state television reported that 500,000 people were present, Western diplomats estimated Milosevic’s crowd at less than 10% of that--and less than half of what Zajedno gathered.

“He still needs to demonstrate his power before he can demonstrate his generosity; otherwise, he looks weak,” said a Western diplomat. “This is a guy who looks like he is hunkering down.”

While Christmas is not celebrated until next month in Orthodox Yugoslavia, diplomats suggested that Milosevic planned Tuesday’s violence for a time when most of the Western capitals that would criticize him would be distracted by their holiday celebrations.

“For the majority of the world, this is a day of peace and reconciliation,” said Miodrag Perisic, vice president of the opposition Democratic Party. “By choosing to do this today, Milosevic puts himself outside the rest of the world. If anyone had any illusions about his role as guarantor of peace and stability, this is a clear message to the Western world and to the Christian world.”