After Backstabbing, GOP Backs Gingrich, Sort of

Standing knee deep in rubble of their own making, Republicans in the House of Representatives this past week finally decided they had engaged in enough self-destruction and, once again, united behind Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.). Whether they can now hold together, much less build the juggernaut of their dreams, remains a far more formidable challenge.

While his opponents came close to ousting him, Gingrich and his allies believe that in putting down the conspiracy and rallying GOP troops behind him, he has fortified his standing in the party. Never one to pass up a Winston Churchill quote, he must relish the observation, “Nothing in life is so exhilarating as to be shot at without result.”

Those who led the attempted putsch have also been discredited--further strengthening Gingrich’s grip. The speaker cleverly insisted that three of his top-four lieutenants implicated in the coup be kept in leadership posts; there, they will have no choice but to salute him every day--and stay out of mischief.

But uneasy rests the crown. A good many Republicans, especially among the firebrands in the sophomore class, remain frustrated. Some plan to stay for only a few years, and they would like to dismantle the welfare state before they leave, regardless of the political costs. There is dark talk along the corridors that unless Gingrich “shapes up,” there could be yet another rebellion early next year.

Even some close allies wonder whether Gingrich will mature into his full potential as a leader. “Newt’s still in rehabilitation,” says a senior House Republican who supports him. Others off the Hill talk more openly that he is still conquering his “bad side”--that he can too easily become distracted and arrogant, has difficulty listening to arguments “outside his paradigm” and talks too much. When genes were handed out for self-discipline, was he in the wrong line?

Still, a healthy majority is sticking with him because, more than anyone else, he brought conservatives to power in the House and remains best at articulating a long-term conservative vision. While his approval rating rivals Richard M. Nixon’s during Watergate--in the mid-20s in most recent polls--he remains the GOP’s top fund-raiser. And behind that gruff exterior seen on television, he has an impish quality that draws insiders to him.

Over the years, Gingrich has also shrewdly solidified his support among GOP moderates in the House. It’s an alliance that has worked well for both: Moderates have found a conservative leader who will respectfully work with them, and Gingrich can hold together the GOP’s slim voting majority. While moderates are an endangered species, their support during the abortive coup more than offset the 20 or so rebels on the right.

With peace restored, at least temporarily, Gingrich now has time to meet the next two tests ahead of him. The first is to discipline himself so he remains firmly in touch and in charge. Nothing would be more reassuring to his closest allies. The other test is to lead the way in concluding budget and tax deals with the administration. Agreements that would achieve the first balanced budget since 1969 and deliver tax relief would not only vindicate the speaker’s leadership but would presumably lift GOP spirits around the country. Assuming, contrary to some reports, he has no further ethical problems, Gingrich would then be back on top.

Prospects seem reasonably bright because President Bill Clinton, seeking his place in history, is as hungry for agreements as Gingrich; nor does he mind helping Gingrich stay in office as a poster boy for future campaign ads by Democrats. A measure of Clinton’s appetite for a budget deal came last week, when he enthusiastically endorsed higher Medicare premiums for more affluent retirees, a position once considered anathema.

A budget agreement should come first. Democrats may hold up tax cuts a bit, as they extract extra political points with claims of GOP favoritism for the rich, but ultimately the two sides should cut a deal there, too. By next spring, they should be able to agree on major trade legislation and begin tentative steps toward entitlement reform. (Sorry, campaign-finance reform seems beyond hope).

With a fistful of accomplishments in hand and strong economic winds at their backs, Gingrichites believe they can sail into the off-year elections next November and keep both the House and Senate. Then, their thinking goes, if the party can field the right man for the White House, they can welcome in a new century with a fully conservative government. Gingrich could retire in 2002, father of a revolution.

That’s the dream, anyway.

The deeper challenge for Republicans is whether they can reconcile the revolutionary fervor of the party with the practicalities of governing. So far, that has proved extremely difficult and has been at least as responsible for Gingrich’s troubles as his own personal proclivities.

What gives the conservative movement so much of its punch today is that its ideas are so vibrant. Whele old-fashioned liberalism seems exhausted, conservatives are brimming with policy changes and grass-roots organizing--just as they were when they swept into the House 2 1/2 years ago.

If anything, some conservatives think history is bending even more in their direction. Evidence is building, they believe, that today’s economic revival began not with Clinton but President Ronald Reagan--when the restructuring of America got underway. And the future could be better still.

An article being passed around Washington these days is a provocative cover piece in the July issue of Wired magazine, asserting that the world is entering an historic economic boom, fueled by technological change and a new ethos of openness. This is just the kind of radical optimism that conservatives love--and the kind of global change that could favor their movement. “Cyberspace.” says one writer, “is Republican.”

But it’s hard to channel this zeal into successful governing. Gingrich tried out as a revolutionary when he first became speaker, and he overreached. His proposals, along with a bungled decision to shut down the government, allowed the Clinton White House to demonize him. Want to destroy Social Security and Medicare? Chase women back to the kitchen? Stick pins under kiddies’ fingernails? Just follow Gingrich, they said. With so many other wrenching changes in their lives, Americans weren’t in the mood to dismantle government, too.

Since the 1996 elections, Gingrich has steered more moderate course. So this time, the conservative firebrands went after him. He’s lost his fire, lost his way, they said. They stuck by him in his ethics crisis, but for the larger sin of political apostasy, they tried to bring him down.

Occasionally, a conservative like Reagan will come along who can remain a champion of the movement and still govern. Reagan, as former Speaker Thomas P. (Tip) O’Neill Jr. said, knew how to get 60% of the loaf the first time and then come back for the rest later. But others in leadership positions, especially in Congress, have had enormous trouble building working coalitions and still keeping their right flank happy. Just ask former House Minority Leader Bob Michel, Bob Dole and Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.). Gingrich is only the latest.

In the long run, Gingrich is not the only one who must master the art of self-discipline. So do his most ardent camp mates.