Wilson to Pen Last Chapter of ‘Textbook’ Secession Bill

A simple bill about democracy.

That’s how backers like to describe the legislation that would clear the way for a San Fernando Valley secession movement by enabling voters, rather than the City Council, to decide how the area should be governed.

But by the time the measure won final passage in the Legislature early Saturday, just after midnight by a 49-14 vote, the bill deemed “simple” had survived enough political maneuvering to earn a place in the annals of strategic prowess.

“You could follow this bill and write a textbook on every intricacy of the legislative process,” said the measure’s co-author, Assemblyman Tom McClintock (R-Northridge).

But the textbook’s ending is yet to be written.

With the Valley secession bill out of the Legislature after a two-year struggle, attention turns to Gov. Pete Wilson, who is sympathetic to the Valley’s cause according to insiders but concerned about the measure’s implications for every California city, regardless of size.

The battle for his support is becoming intense, with one official close to Wilson saying, “It’s one of the tougher bills of the session.”

And although Valley activists with ties to Wilson are optimistic he will ultimately decide to support the bill, the governor’s advisors are divided about the measure.

The conflict has nothing to do with the original issue of making it easier to divide Los Angeles by eliminating City Council veto power over secession requests.

Los Angeles? No problem, says a Wilson spokesman, who, coincidentally, hails from the Valley.

“Los Angeles is unique,” said Wilson press secretary Sean Walsh. “Its population is greater than 40 other states. We feel that this bill is appropriate for Los Angeles.”

But in order to get the bill approved, its authors, McClintock and Assemblyman Bob Hertzberg (D-Sherman Oaks), had to accept an amendment to make the measure applicable statewide.

Opponents of the bill from the powerful League of California Cities and some of its municipal members argue that at best it would spell chaos and at worst disintegration of key urban areas.

Wilson, once mayor of San Diego, is a former president of the League.

The group predicts that disgruntled voters could easily abuse the bill to extract unwarranted municipal services by threatening to form their own local governments. Another fear is that the bill would make it too easy for affluent voters to detach from poor ones.

“We need to assess that impact and we will be studying the issues with the governor,” Walsh said.

Wilson has until Oct. 12 to sign, veto or let the bill become law without his signature.

The governor has long-standing ties to the Valley, a conservative pocket of Los Angeles that has supported him over the years in his bids for statewide office.

Attorney David Fleming, a gubernatorial appointee on the state Transportation Board and advisor to Mayor Richard Riordan, said Wilson’s already solid relations with the Valley were cemented in the early ‘90s after Valley business leaders backed his workers’ compensation reforms.

“There has been a special relationship between Pete Wilson and the Valley,” Fleming said. “The leadership of the Valley is very much for this bill.”

At a lunch meeting Tuesday, Fleming said the governor promised not to make a final decision on the bill (AB62) until he met with Fleming and Galpin Ford owner Bert Boeckmann, a major GOP donor and Wilson ally.

“I know his staff is split on this,” Fleming said. “That muddies the water a little bit.” But, Fleming said, “I think he would be predisposed to signing it.”

Other Valley Republicans have either conferred with Wilson to pitch the bill, such as former Rep. Bobbi Fiedler, or plan to, such as the bill’s original author, former Assemblywoman Paula L. Boland.

“I believe the governor will sign it,” said Boland, who was ecstatic that the measure had prevailed.

Last week alone was filled with obstacles. Assemblyman Mike Sweeney (D-Hayward) held a last-minute committee hearing in an attempt to kill the measure, which he claimed warranted more study. Then supporters seemed to waver. Finally, the bill itself was tardy in arriving on the Assembly floor from the Senate, so special permission was needed for a vote.

“It’s been a very, very difficult fight,” Hertzberg said. “The bill clearly hit a nerve.”

McClintock said the legislation, the most complicated he’s dealt with in his 11-year career, succeeded because of a bipartisan effort by Valley legislators.

Hertzberg, “an indefatigable advocate,” rescued the bill when fellow Democratic committee chairman Sweeney tried this week to kill or delay it, McClintock said.

In McClintock’s estimation, Sen. Tom Hayden (D-Los Angeles) was another “hero” because he helped persuade Sweeney to tone down his opposition campaign.

Meanwhile, McClintock continued, Sen. Herschel Rosenthal (D-Los Angeles) did a “masterful job of presenting the bill on the Senate floor.”

McClintock, Hertzberg and Assemblyman Tony Cardenas (D-Sylmar) lobbied for votes during a long day in the Assembly Friday.

They had appeared to win midday, but victory was delayed until after midnight by Democratic Los Angeles Assemblyman Kevin Murray’s unsuccessful bid to get lawmakers to change their minds.

Despite mixed signals from Wilson’s office, McClintock and Hertzberg are hopeful of having the same success with the governor as they did in the Legislature.

“For whatever reason,” an exhausted Hertzberg said early Saturday, “I don’t think it will be a problem.”