Riordan Jilts His Political Wooers

Happily, Los Angeles Mayor Richard Riordan withstood the seductive romancing of California politicians wanting him to run for governor. Riordan almost took the plunge, but in truth, the candidacy question had less to do with Riordan and much more to do with the politics of redistricting that will follow the 2000 census.

In the eyes of Washington politicians, the governor of California is far more important than other states’ chiefs for determining the balance of power in Congress, where the edge of one party’s domination over the other is likely to be relatively narrow in the foreseeable future. California already has the largest congressional delegation, and it will gain in number as the state’s population continues to grow. And who controls the House of Representatives will have much to say in policy no matter what party controls the White House.

The Republican efforts to engage Riordan reflected growing GOP fears that Atty. Gen. Dan Lungren, now the clear front-runner, has lost the momentum he appeared to have two years ago when the Republican National Convention met in San Diego and Lungren was rumored to be a contender for the vice presidential nomination.

Lungren has had no serious opposition within the party, and that has turned out to be a liability in the state’s first open primary (voters, regardless of their registration, can cast ballots for either party’s candidates) this June because two names on the Democratic ticket have potential appeal to Republicans: Al Checchi and Rep. Jane Harman of Torrance. The race between Checchi, Lt. Gov. Gray Davis and, as of Wednesday, Harman, is now the one to watch, the contest apt to garner considerable voter attention.

Riordan is a genial man whose inability to speak smoothly has an almost magical effect on his listeners who reach out toward him when he stands there trying. He cares deeply about education and children but as mayor has no authority to do anything about either, because almost all the power in either area rests with the state. That he is focusing on education in his last term as mayor is partly because he cares, and partly because he is running out of steam with the City Council. It is akin to a president focusing on foreign policy when he runs into trouble with Congress: He might as well use his bully pulpit and spend his energy on things he cares about, while shoring up his political sense of well-being along the way.

But herein was the rub for Riordan: He doesn’t really like government. He doesn’t understand it and he doesn’t want to. He doesn’t think of himself as a politician, although he has become one along the way. But he doesn’t respect other politicians. His sense of humor probably led him to let others wander down the garden path of a possible Riordan candidacy as much as anything else.

It doesn’t really bode well for California that the only viable candidates, other than longtime political figures, are very wealthy people, although the late entrance of Harman (also well-heeled) is a refreshing turn of events. Harman is the only woman in the race, and one who comes with a serious reputation in Washington. She stands to garner support and resources from women around the country.

Had Riordan chosen to run for governor, he would have found himself subject to the kind of campaign he ran against Mike Woo in 1992: an attack on his record from a candidate (Checchi) who lacked a public record of his own. Harman and Davis are seasoned political figures experienced in the vagaries of campaigning against formidable opponents.

The mayor’s choice was probably the best for him, given his interests and temperament. He would not have cared for the rigors of a statewide campaign, and he certainly would not have flourished under a negative campaign blitz. It was also probably the best for Los Angeles right now, enabling the city to focus on the many issues that local government needs to address, such as charter reform, instead of divisive loyalties to candidates for high state office.