Civilian Leader Vows New Era for Nigerians

When retired army Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo takes office as this country’s president today, one of his greatest challenges will be convincing a nation beaten down by decades of government corruption, economic turmoil and moral decline that this time around things will be different.

Obasanjo, 61, who as a soldier ruled Nigeria from 1976 to 1979, has promised to eradicate poverty by boosting agricultural production, to revitalize the country’s crumbling economy and infrastructure and to establish democratic institutions that give every Nigerian a fair say in how this oil-rich West African nation is governed.

But these are promises Nigerians have heard before, and many remain skeptical that any real change is imminent.

What will be new, however, is that for the first time in more than 15 years, Africa’s most populous nation will have a civilian leader, genuine Western supporters and, at the very least, an opportunity to prove to critics of this volatile continent that the phrase “African democracy” is not an oxymoron.

Transforming Nigeria into the regional powerhouse it once was will be a tremendous task. But Obasanjo believes that if anyone can achieve this, he can.

“We are now having a man who will take over the reins of government . . . who is not a novice, is not a newcomer . . . is both at home with the military and at home with the civilians, the politicians,” Obasanjo said in an interview with The Times. “This is a new thing.”

Relaxing in the living room of a government guest house in the sun-soaked capital, Abuja, the president-elect said Nigeria--long branded a pariah state by the international community--has learned its lesson. And its people--who have raised their voices against past military dictatorships, sometimes at the cost of their own lives--will not tolerate further misdeeds, he added.

“There are a number of factors that are new, and when you take these factors into consideration, you come to the conclusion that yes, this time is unlike the other times,” Obasanjo said.

But he cautiously added: “No one can still say to you that he can guarantee that democracy will absolutely endure. Such a guarantee can only be given by God. But . . . if we do what is humanly possible--we’ll do our best, we’ll work hard and we’ll pray hard--I believe that God will bless our efforts and make sure we succeed.”

Obasanjo won February’s presidential election by a landslide, though the vote was marred by controversy and contested by his sole rival.

Although a Yoruba from the country’s southwest, Obasanjo won significant electoral support from the Hausa-Fulani in the military-dominated north and the overwhelmingly Ibo east. While supporters say this proves his ability to forge unity among the country’s diverse ethnic groups, critics argue that it merely proves he was the army’s choice for leadership, and therefore will be its political puppet.

A veteran of the nation’s 1960s Biafra war for succession, Obasanjo was the first modern African military ruler to hand over power voluntarily to civilians--a move that won him worldwide applause.

After he retired to his chicken farm, he continued to champion democracy--efforts that landed him in jail on coup-plotting charges under the regime of military dictator Gen. Sani Abacha.

Thanks in part to outgoing head of state Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, who jump-started the transition to democracy after Abacha’s death in June, Nigeria already has begun to regain lost friends, and this has given Obasanjo a head start.

Today, Nigeria will formally reenter the British Commonwealth after a 3 1/2-year suspension triggered by the execution of nine minority rights activists. In March, the United States lifted most of its sanctions against the country, permitting the flow of financial and other assistance to boost democratic institutions and international commerce.

Western diplomats say Obasanjo’s egalitarian air and no-nonsense approach are a welcome departure from the pompous grandstanding that characterized past Nigerian administrations.

The president-elect also has pledged that his administration will be “unequivocally committed to transparency and accountability” and vowed that he will not tolerate wrongdoing.

A code of conduct has been drawn up to prevent government officials from misusing their positions for personal gain, and politicians will have to declare their assets on entering the administration, making it harder for an individual to steal public money.

“He’s been making all the right noises,” one Western official based in Abuja said, but added that the true test would be in the Cabinet Obasanjo appoints. “There are many good people inside [Obasanjo’s People’s Democratic Party], and many crooks as well.”

Critics say many of those expected to win ministerial appointments are old-timers responsible for the country’s current state--not the hope of a new Nigeria. In a statement earlier this week, observers from the Transition Monitoring Group--a coalition of local nongovernmental organizations and human and civil rights groups--expressed concern over “some of the names being speculated to be ministers under the Obasanjo Cabinet, particularly old and discredited politicians who participated in the human rights abuses and . . . looting of the treasury under the Gen. Abacha regime.”

“Eighty percent of those who are going to take power are apologists for the military,” predicted Segun Jegede of the Committee for the Defense of Human Rights in Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial hub. “It’s going to be a continuation of the status quo.”

But Obasanjo dismissed the concerns, insisting that “those critics are stupid fools because they should wait and see who I bring in.”

For most average Nigerians, merely having the basics for survival is what will ultimately determine the level of support they give their new leader. Years of mismanagement and neglect have led to a total collapse of the country’s infrastructure. Constant electricity, potable water and reliable phone lines are a luxury.

While Nigeria’s national debt has risen to $30 billion, the average yearly income has fallen to below $260. Among the world’s largest oil producers, Nigeria was running its refineries so badly that its people were constantly lining up for gas.

“In order to democratize, you have to address these issues,” Jegede said. “There are a lot of unsolved problems that render the democracy weak.”

Obasanjo is confident that, given the right dose of good governance, Nigeria’s ills can be cured.

“So much time has been lost,” he said. “But some of it can be regained if things are right, and I believe in five years . . . we will have forgotten that there was a Nigeria of 1998 or 1997, when we had [Abacha], who was just evil, running the affairs of Nigeria.”