‘Compassionate’ Side Wins Out on First Day

Gone were the campaign trail warnings of the dangers of big government. Gone were the daily pledges to restore honor and dignity to the White House. Forgotten, for the moment, were the searing partisan conflicts over John Ashcroft’s nomination as attorney general.

For his inaugural address Saturday, George W. Bush returned to the themes of conciliation and compassion that opened his presidential campaign in 1999. Eloquent in spots, impassioned in others, Bush’s speech was imbued with his desire to broaden his party’s base of support--and his implicit acknowledgment that, so far, he has failed to do so.

By shelving the attacks on big government, muting (to the point of an oblique reference) his criticism of President Clinton’s character, and stressing his concern about inequality and racial division, Bush seemed to target his speech far more at those who didn’t vote for him than those who did.

Yet for all the sincerity and determination Bush displayed, his inauguration day was filled with reminders of how great a challenge he will face in unifying the nation after an election that saw him lose the popular vote by more than anyone who has ever assumed the presidency.

An unusually large number of protesters dogged the inaugural parade--their clashes with police a writhing symbol of the emotions still bubbling after the disputed results in Florida. Conversely, no one other than the new president himself inspired more applause from the pro-Bush crowd at the inaugural than Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, who led the five-member Supreme Court majority that stopped the Florida recounts.

Earlier in the day, Clinton provided a small symbol of the looming policy clashes that will test Bush’s promise to restore civility to Washington. In his final radio address Saturday morning, Clinton announced more than $100 million in new grants to help cities hire more police officers; last summer, Bush pledged to repeal that program--a move Democrats will staunchly resist.

Later Saturday, Bush also underscored the change in direction--and the likelihood of fierce fights on other fronts--when he issued a directive blocking a series of eleventh-hour Clinton executive orders.

These are only some of many disputes looming as Bush prepares to place his own stamp on a capitol and a country divided as evenly between the parties as at any time since the late 19th century. In the weeks ahead, Bush must navigate through a Congress at odds on issues from taxes and school vouchers to the reform of Social Security and Medicare. The tenuous balance of power in Congress itself reflects an election in which support for the two candidates split sharply along lines of gender, race, region and religious conviction.

Those divisions seemed foremost in Bush’s mind during Saturday’s speech. In their inaugural addresses, presidents invariably present themselves as steward of all the people. But Bush went further than most in reaching out to those dubious of him--even to the point of virtually eliminating messages aimed specifically at his most ardent supporters.

In the final fierce campaign lap from Labor Day through election day, Bush offered a virtually neo-Reaganite appeal in which he declared that he trusted “the people” while rival Al Gore trusted “the government.” But Saturday, Bush trumpeted none of those anti-government notes.

Indeed, Bush’s only reference to government’s role was a positive one: “Government has great responsibilities, for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.” And while he repeatedly urged a greater role for churches and charities in confronting social need, he portrayed those ministries as a supplement, not a substitute, for public action. “Compassion is the work of a nation,” he said, “not just a government.”

In all, Bush tilted his speech far more toward the compassionate than the conservative side of his “compassionate conservative” agenda. “It’s a sign that this is going to be our governing philosophy,” said one senior Bush advisor.

Over and again, the new president emphasized America’s responsibility to those left behind after nearly a decade of prosperity: “Where there is suffering, there is duty.” Bush heavily employed the language of religion and personal responsibility, but he portrayed serving others, not judging others, as the highest expression of both.

Perhaps most notably, Bush’s speech was suffused with appeals to African Americans and other minorities who voted overwhelmingly against him. Only a few years after many congressional Republicans sought to reduce legal immigration, Bush pointedly praised immigrants. “Every immigrant” who embraces America’s ideals, Bush insisted, “makes our country more, not less, American.”

And he repeatedly sought to reassure African Americans--who gave Bush less than 1 in 10 of their votes in November--that he recognizes the concerns many of them hold about “the promise--even the justice--of our own country.”

This week, during his first days in the White House, Bush plans to highlight his proposals for reforming education--the issue that may offer him the best opportunity to expand his appeal among both blacks and moderate whites who he failed to attract in the fall. Much as Clinton’s 1992 promise to “end welfare as we know it” helped define him as a “different kind of Democrat,” Bush aides hope that his commitment to improving public education will win him a second look from centrist voters skeptical of the GOP in the 1990s.

In language both gracious and determined, Bush also stressed his desire to create a less acrimonious tone in Washington. He did his part by avoiding almost any remark that could be construed as reprising his criticism of Clinton’s character; the closest Bush came was when he said he would “call for responsibility and try to live it as well.”

But the speech, and the reception to it, suggest how much trouble Bush will have holding his administration to a centrist course. In the speech, Bush didn’t win a loud ovation until he pledged to pursue two conservative priorities: cutting taxes and increasing defense spending.

Those cheers were a reminder that the conservative Republican base--after providing Bush the critical votes for his victory--begins his presidency with great expectations. But to the extent that Bush satisfies those expectations, he risks alienating the moderate voters who seemed the principal target of his address.

That tension is already apparent in the bitter fight over Ashcroft’s nomination, which has energized the GOP’s conservative base but given Democrats the opportunity to portray Bush as more conservative than he appears on issues such as abortion rights and gun control.

“Bush really owes a debt to [conservatives] and has to keep them happy, but he can’t govern with their agenda,” said University of Akron political scientist John C. Green. “So there is going to be a real balancing act here.”

On day one, Bush seemed to strike that balance gracefully. But the new president has many more days ahead that will test his skill on the high wire.