Schwarzenegger Seizes Reins of Power in Capitol

In the constant maneuvering for power between the governor and the Legislature, Arnold Schwarzenegger -- just one month on the job -- obliterated any lingering doubts Thursday that he is the supreme political force in the Capitol.

Schwarzenegger’s raw assertion of executive power in repaying local governments for the billions lost when he repealed the vehicle license fee increase sent a clear message that he can govern without lawmakers’ cooperation, a political reality that could leave the Legislature marginalized.

Frustrated by legislative Democrats who refused to pass bills that would compensate cities and counties, the governor plotted a path around them.

Schwarzenegger tapped budget authority typically used to cover departments facing comparatively small financial emergencies to steer about $2.7 billion to local government -- without legislative approval. Having promised to cut through a long-standing paralysis in Sacramento, Schwarzenegger demonstrated that he is not afraid to confront, diminish and, if necessary, humble the Legislature in pursuit of a popular agenda.

“Since the [legislative] leadership has not acted, I will act without them,” Schwarzenegger said at a Capitol news conference, standing with a phalanx of grateful mayors and uniformed law enforcement officials.

State Sen. Rico Oller (R-San Andreas) said of the balance between the legislative and executive branches: “Definitely there’s been a shift. The paradigm that’s been in place here has changed, very clearly. He’s [Schwarzenegger] made it clear he’s willing to fight, and he’s not willing to take being jammed lying down.”

Fred Silva, a senior advisor with the Public Policy Institute of California who worked for past Senate leaders, said: “I don’t think that in our contemporary history we’ve had a governor who has exercised power this way. What he’s doing is he’s testing the breadth of his power. This is going to be an important test of the balance of power between the governor and the Legislature. We haven’t had a governor who wanted to exercise power like this in a long time.”

Silva said that Schwarzenegger’s style eclipses that of some past governors with an activist bent: Earl Warren and Pat Brown. “Their personalities weren’t as forceful,” he said. “They were more collegial, working with the structures in the Legislature. This guy wants to do something and then figures out a way to do it.”

Faced with a vigorous challenge to its constitutional standing, the Legislature seemed surprised and outflanked. Because Schwarzenegger’s move is so popular among local officials clamoring for the money, lawmakers who take a contrary position risk an angry reprisal.

Democratic mayors James K. Hahn of Los Angeles and Jerry Brown of Oakland accompanied Schwarzenegger as he strode down a Capitol hallway to the news conference.

“We haven’t seen this kind of bold leadership in Sacramento for a long, long time, and we are really grateful for it,” Hahn said.

While Schwarzenegger commanded the stage in the Capitol, most members of the Assembly and Senate were back in their districts, waiting for the start of the session that begins in January. Some who were in the Capitol, however, were simply barred from the room.

Lawmakers were divided in their reaction. Republican leaders applauded Schwarzenegger. The Democratic response ranged from muted criticism to angry vows to block the governor’s plan.

When Schwarzenegger finished his news conference, an aide to Assembly Speaker Herb Wesson Jr. (D-Culver City) stood in a Capitol hallway, passing out a three-paragraph statement that expressed concern. In an oblique reference to the state’s budget shortfall, Wesson said: “The most fundamental question unanswered: Where is the money coming from?”

Senate President Pro Tem John Burton (D-San Francisco), held a news conference of his own and said: “He pulled a nice move ... Whether it’s legal or not, I don’t know.”

Burton chided Brown for appearing with the governor. “And it was wonderful, of course, to see that spendthrift Jerry Brown right up there cheering everybody on,” he said. “He would have supported the governor if he went and robbed a bank.”

In pitting himself against the Legislature, Schwarzenegger picked the most vulnerable of targets. Polls have shown that the Legislature, as a body, is even more disliked than former Gov. Gray Davis, who was recalled in the Oct. 7 election. Even Wesson has conceded that had the Legislature been on the same ballot, it, too, would have been forced from power.

The Democratic-controlled Legislature is further handicapped by a steady erosion of its institutional clout. Term limits are stripping the Legislature of its strength. In recent years, the Assembly -- once led by such seasoned tacticians as Willie Brown and Jesse Unruh -- has seen a succession of speakers. The incoming leader, 36-year-old Fabian Nunez (D-Los Angeles), was elected to the Assembly only last year.

From the first, Schwarzenegger has made plain that he will circumvent the Legislature when needed. Just last week, he salvaged a deal with legislators in sending to the ballot a spending cap and $15-billion bond measure. But the governor also is planning to bypass the Legislature and bring to the November ballot a series of initiatives aimed at overhauling workers’ compensation and campaign finance practices.

Barbara O’Connor, director of the Institute for the Study of Politics and Media at Cal State Sacramento, called Schwarzenegger’s exercise of power “unprecedented,” but noted that the same authority had been available to Davis, who was too busy fighting for his political survival to use it. “I think the power has been shifted permanently and everyone will have to get used to what it means and how to overturn it,” she said. “He’s set the agenda and he’s done it without the Legislature.”

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Times staff writer Nancy Vogel contributed to this report.