Race of DeLay’s Life May Still Be a Rout

In the last three years, House Majority Leader Tom DeLay has seized upon a dominating era for Texas Republicans by ordering new congressional maps designed to buttress his power and build on the GOP majority in Washington. There has always been one seat, however, that he has never needed to worry about protecting: his own.

Every two years since 1984, DeLay has run for reelection in the 22nd Congressional District south of Houston -- and has won big. He is the architect of a prolific fundraising machine. In 2000, he received two corporate donations each worth more than the $10,000 his opponent raised for the entire race. In 2002, he captured 63% of the vote -- a dominating performance but a nail-biter compared to earlier races, in which he won more than 70%.

Recent ethics charges and talk of fundraising improprieties, however, have Democrats saying that DeLay, for the first time, is vulnerable. With days to go before the election, his moderate Democratic opponent, environmental attorney Richard Morrison III, is hammering away. Even the famously confident DeLay acknowledged in an interview that he was facing “significant competition.”

Still, many of Morrison’s supporters fear that what appears to be the race of DeLay’s life won’t be much of a contest. A poll conducted this month by Morrison’s campaign showed DeLay leading by 7 percentage points. Other polls show DeLay with leads that are more commanding.

“As much as the Democrats have tried to draw horns and a tail on the congressman over the last two years, we still enjoy very strong support in the district,” DeLay spokesman Jonathan Grella said. “I don’t know what the spread will be. But we are very confident that we will emerge victorious.”

Barring a stunning result, then, the race raises an intriguing question: Are there moral victories in politics?

Morrison has two answers. The first is his standard politician’s response: “I’m going to win. You can put it in the bank.” In less-guarded moments, he has more of a realistic answer: If he puts in a good showing, he will have demonstrated that DeLay can be beat.

“If I come close, I think it will show the Democrats that we don’t need to be blowing these races off as not winnable,” he said this week as he greeted early voters outside a Clear Lake polling station. His campaign volunteers were handing out “nonpartisan water” to people waiting in line under the sweltering Texas sun. “This guy has never had anybody stand up to him before. Never,” Morrison said. “But if you get in there and bust your you-know-what, you can win these races.”

Many voters here, including some who support Morrison, question whether he can mount a legitimate threat.

“I think he has a better chance than anyone has ever had before. But I don’t know if he can pull it off,” said Ellen Hinkle, 60, a resident of nearby Seabrook who had just cast her vote for Morrison. “DeLay has just been there for so long. He is so powerful.”

Gene Read, 70, a commercial real estate developer and Clear Lake resident, voted for DeLay and described himself as a supporter -- “but not an enthusiastic supporter.” He said he was glad to see DeLay forced to “hustle for votes” for the first time anyone can remember, if only so the congressman didn’t get complacent.

“But he’s locked in,” Read said. “This will be closer than any race he’s had. And it will not be that close.”

At home, many see DeLay as someone who can bring federal money to Texas. He is a strong supporter of NASA, which operates the Johnson Space Center and is a prominent employer here.

“He has so much influence,” said John Norris, 65, a retired engineer who lives in Clear Lake and voted for Delay. “Morrison is a political neophyte.”

But DeLay has come under withering criticism in recent months, something Morrison has tried to capitalize on.

Three DeLay aides have been indicted on charges of soliciting illegal campaign contributions. The House Ethics Committee has admonished DeLay three times for abusing the power of his office.

Last week, DeLay was subpoenaed to testify in a lawsuit brought over whether government resources were abused in attempting to track down Democratic lawmakers who fled Texas last year as the GOP tried to draw new congressional districts. And the U.S. Supreme Court ordered a lower court to determine whether the new congressional maps orchestrated by DeLay relied too heavily on partisan politics.

DeLay, who denies the allegations, called it a “concerted strategy by the Democrats,” and several voters agreed. Others, however, thought that the questions surrounding DeLay were taking a toll, even in a district where two-thirds of voters were registered Republicans in 2002.

“I don’t like it,” said Amanda Smith, 29, a saleswoman. “I’ll vote for George Bush. But if DeLay is using his power for the wrong thing, I can’t vote for him.”

Morrison said he is encouraged by such sentiments. DeLay has been forced to take the race seriously -- setting up several campaign offices for the first time in 10 years, running numerous television advertisements and participating in a debate that he initially turned down.

“It has had a little impact,” DeLay said. “But not enough to even make us worry about reelection.”

Morrison’s appearances in the final days of the race make it clear that he’s still fighting an uphill battle.

At a middle school near the northern tip of the district, Morrison spoke to a group of small-business owners who were considering donating money to the school. Assistant Principal Perla Palileo-Brame asked Morrison who he was running against.

“Tom DeLay? Tom DeLay?” she said. “Whoa. That’s a big dog. That’s not even a dog. That’s a horse.”

“He’s a bully,” Morrison said. “A paper tiger.”

“Maybe,” she replied. “But I’ve never heard your name. Well, good luck.”

“I don’t need luck,” he said. “I need hard work and votes.”

“Well,” she said, “good luck, anyway.”