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Dole Officially in Race, Scores Budget Deficit

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Times Political Writer

Kansas Sen. Bob Dole returned to his roots in the Midwestern heartland Monday to announce his candidacy for the Republican presidential nomination and to pronounce the federal budget deficit to be “the single greatest threat” to the nation’s economic health.

Wearing a gray topcoat against the chill of the November morning, Dole made his declaration before several thousand enthusiastic supporters at an outdoor rally on Main Street in this town of about 5,000 where he was born and reared--and to which he returned to recover from the combat wounds he suffered in World War II.

High school bands played, and blue and yellow balloons soared into the bright sky as Dole pledged to draw on “the strength and determination molded in America’s small-town heartland” to develop “common sense” solutions to the problems facing the nation.

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Dole, regarded as the chief rival to Vice President George Bush, the front-runner in the GOP competition, sought to link himself with previous heartland presidents--among whom he cited Abraham Lincoln, Harry S. Truman and Ronald Reagan. One of their common traits, he asserted, was “plain speaking.”

But in addressing these issues in his 30-minute announcement speech, Dole’s remarks at times were cloaked in what seemed to be calculated ambiguity.

“The federal budget deficit is the single greatest threat to a prosperous and dynamic America,” Dole said bluntly.

And he pledged to “tackle the runaway federal budget deficit without raising tax rates.”

Tax Loopholes

But, as his campaign communications director Mari Maseng acknowledged, this promise is applied only to income tax rates, and it would not rule out tinkering with the tax code to close alleged loopholes, or other measures to raise revenues including user fees or increases in excise taxes.

Dole indicated that much of the deficit reduction he hopes to accomplish--apart from what could be achieved by constitutional amendments requiring a balanced budget and giving the President line-item veto power--would come from cuts in federal spending.

But he did not say where these cuts would come from. Although he said “no area of federal spending will be off-limits,” he added the exception of “programs to assist vulnerable Americans.”

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Dole also did not state which Americans would fit into the vulnerable category, but Maseng said he meant citizens in lower-income groups.

Missile Treaty

Dole was similarly elliptical in discussing national security issues, notably the proposed treaty banning intermediate-range missiles, which Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev is scheduled to come to the United States next month to sign along with President Reagan.

The treaty has become a focal point of debate among the six Republican presidential candidates, with Bush supporting it wholeheartedly, most of the others opposing it and Dole withholding judgment until the final language of the treaty is known.

Dole said here, as he has said before, that any such treaty had to provide for adequate verification, assure firm compliance and bolster the NATO alliance. But he also added what appeared to be a new qualification for his support. “Any treaty must also be accompanied by a restored balance of conventional forces in Europe,” he said.

But Maseng told reporters that this did not mean Dole would insist on a balance of forces agreement being an integral part of the treaty for him to approve it. She said he would be satisfied by a “commitment” to achieve a balance of forces.

Shots at Front-Runner

For all his speech’s generally lofty tone, Dole managed to squeeze in a couple of not-so-subtle shots at front-runner Bush.

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“I offer a record, not a resume,” he declared, an allusion to the long list of positions that Bush has held but which Dole supporters contend have not provided much in the way of experience.

Dole also referred to his “consistent and lifelong effort to protect the rights of the unborn”--an apparent reference to Bush’s position against abortion, which critics contend became stronger after he became Reagan’s vice president.

After his speech in Russell, Dole flew to make similar addresses in two early and critical 1988 battleground states--Iowa, which holds its caucuses next Feb. 8, and New Hampshire, site of the nation’s first presidential primary Feb. 16.

Strategic Importance

Iowa is of great strategic importance to Dole’s candidacy. One of the main reasons he is regarded as Bush’s toughest competitor is because of his reputed strength in that state.

“All roads lead to Iowa,” Dole told supporters here Sunday night at a rally. “If I can win in Iowa, then I think we’re on the way to a big, big victory up and down the line.”

And in Iowa, where he addressed several hundred supporters at a farm near Des Moines, Dole underlined the importance of the state even more. “Whoever wins in Iowa is probably going to be the next President of the United States,” he said.

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At the farm, Dole was greeted by about 20 demonstrators protesting his opposition to sanctions against the South African government. The protesters said they planned to dog Dole whenever he appears in Iowa. One of their signs accused him of supporting “racism” in South Africa.

Proud of His Record

“The signs aren’t correct,” Dole said. “There’s not a racist bone in my body. I’m proud of my civil rights record.”

Nevertheless, Dole said he did not mind the presence of the protesters. “Only in America can we disagree and still have a representative government.”

Dole’s spirits were buoyed later in Manchester, N.H., where he was greeted by a crowd of more than 1,500. “I haven’t seen this many people in New Hampshire in all the time I’ve been campaigning here,” he said.

A jubilant Dole added: “I feel victory in the air in the state of New Hampshire.”

After his appearances Monday in Russell, Des Moines and Manchester, Dole was scheduled to head south to visit Atlanta and Charlotte, N.C., today and Richmond, Va., and Columbia, S.C., on Wednesday.

His advisers are hopeful that the announcement and the seven-state tour will help Dole recover the momentum he appeared to have lost in last month’s Republican presidential candidate debate in Houston.

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Gaining Ground

Before that event, Dole seemed to be steadily gaining ground in the polls and in the view of Republican professionals at the expense of Bush. “We were on a roll, and Bush was on a slide,” Dole’s Senate press secretary, Walt Riker, said in an interview Sunday.

Dole supporters were confident that he would score more points against Bush in the debate. Instead, the senator was surprisingly subdued and bland while Bush seemed poised and forceful.

Nevertheless, Dole advisers contend that the debate was no more than a bump on the presidential campaign road, down which Dole has traveled faster than many analysts expected.

One reason for the low expectations for Dole was his unimpressive performance in his two past national campaigns. As President Gerald R. Ford’s running mate in 1976, Dole created a negative reaction among many voters with his partisan rhetoric.

Lost to Bush in Iowa

Running for the presidential nomination in 1980, he counted on his Kansas agricultural background to help him gain enough support in the farm state of Iowa so he could become the principal rival of front-runner Ronald Reagan. Instead, Bush out-organized Dole and Reagan in Iowa and won the state’s contest for delegates.

Dole dropped out soon after the New Hampshire primary, in which he got only 0.4% of the vote.

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Dole has performed much more impressively in the early stages of the 1988 campaign. He has raised more than $10 million, second only to Bush, and he has learned how to talk about his personal background, including the severe wound he suffered in World War II that left his right arm nearly useless and his experience in the Senate, in a way that appears compelling enough to capture the attention of voters.

Benefits From Hard Luck

Dole has also seemed to benefit from some of the hard luck that has afflicted the Reagan Administration, notably the Iran-Contra affair. The unfolding imbroglio last winter tarnished Reagan’s prestige and led to a drop in the polls for the President and for his vice president.

Meanwhile, Dole gained public esteem by adopting an independent and sometimes critical stance toward the Administration’s handling of the affair.

Dole is the last of the major GOP candidates to formally declare for the presidential nomination. The others are Bush, former Delaware Gov. Pierre S. (Pete) du Pont IV, former Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig Jr., former TV evangelist Pat Robertson and New York Rep. Jack Kemp.

ROBERT JOSEPH DOLE

Born: July 22, 1923, Russell, Kan.

Parents: The late Doran R. Dole, operator of a cream and egg business, and the late Bina Dole.

Education: Attended University of Kansas; graduated from Washburn University of Topeka, AB, LL.B., 1952.

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Military career: U.S. Army, 1943-48.

Professional career: Kansas House of Representatives, 1951-53; Russell County (Kan.) attorney, 1953-61; U.S. House, 1961-69; U.S. Senate, 1969-present; chairman, Republican National Committee, 1971-73; Republican nominee for vice president, 1976; Senate Republican leader, 1985-present.

Family: Married to Elizabeth Hanford Dole, U.S. secretary of transportation until her resignation in October; one daughter from a previous marriage.

Religion: Methodist.

Accomplishments: Played a key role, during two years as Senate majority leader, in gaining passage of tax revision, 1985 farm subsidy bill and aid to the Nicaraguan Contras. Steered a major deficit-reduction package through the Senate in 1985 (legislation later died when President Reagan and House leaders were unable to agree on it). Sponsored 1982 tax revision bill that recouped some of the revenues lost during the previous year’s tax cut legislation. Established a foundation to help the physically handicapped.

Positions: Persistent critic of supply-side economics programs; favors balanced budget amendment and line-item veto; would call an economic summit of congressional leaders and Cabinet members to work out a deficit reduction program; opposes Gephardt trade amendment; opposes 1973 Roe vs. Wade abortion ruling; favors amendment to restore voluntary prayer in public schools.

Strengths: Has broad and deep knowledge of government and the legislative process gained from 26 years in Congress; his war record (decorated for “heroic achievement” after being seriously wounded in battle in Italy); an excellent orator, adept at invoking his small-town Midwestern roots on the campaign trail; his wife, Elizabeth, is also a skilled and savvy campaigner.

Vulnerabilities: His caustic wit and fierce competitiveness sometimes are perceived as meanness; viewed with suspicion by many GOP conservatives for being too pragmatic and willing to compromise, and for lacking a clear political vision.

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