South Korea: the Journey Begins

With the inauguration of President Roh Tae Woo, South Korea has completed the first peaceful transfer of power in its 40 years as a republic. Roh, a former general who played a prominent part in the authoritarian regime of his predecessor, Chun Doo Hwan, says that he wants to be remembered as “the president who democratized Korea.” Given the political culture that has for so long prevailed in Korea, that is both a worthy goal and an ambitious one. But it is also a goal that is eagerly supported by the vast majority of Koreans. There’s no reason why it can’t be realized in the course of Roh’s five-year term.

Credit Roh with a making a good start, reaffirming his campaign pledge to ensure South Koreans of greater freedoms and more certain protection of their rights. Credit him also with trying to heal the wounds left by years of official repression. A Roh-appointed commission, for example, has recommended that the government formally apologize for using excessive force to put down the civilian uprising in Kwangju that followed Chun’s assumption of power in 1980. The same commission has called for guaranteed human rights, for freeing the news media from government control and--echoing the new constitution--for steps to ensure that the military stays politically neutral and the judiciary independent. As recently as last spring the creation of such a panel and the publication of its proposals would have been unthinkable.

Nonetheless, skepticism about Roh’s intentions remains. On the far right, among those who continue to distrust popularly based government, there is worry that lifting inhibitions on political action and free discussion could invite social instability. On the left the argument is still heard that Roh remains a tool of authoritarianism’s supporters. Roh tried to deal with this claim by inviting the opposition political parties to nominate members of his cabinet. That offer was refused, ostensibly out of concern that participation in a coalition government would reduce the opposition’s ability to criticize. That reasoning, though, can be turned around. By rejecting a chance at power-sharing, the opposition may have undercut its claim to place the country’s welfare ahead of its own ambitions.

This spring’s legislative elections will determine how strong and influential an opposition will emerge. So far the two main opposition parties--one headed by Kim Dae Jung, the other by Kim Young Sam--have failed to agree on uniting their forces to oppose Roh’s party. It was the earlier failure of the two Kims to pool their strength that assured Roh’s election as president in December with only 37% of the vote.

This plurality, as Roh well knows, constitutes something less than a ringing endorsement. Roh seems genuinely determined to try to broaden his base of support by liberalizing Korea’s political life. He has given ample indications already that he is a far different kind of leader than his widely disliked predecessor. December’s presidential election brought South Korea to the take-off point of democratic opportunity. The real journey begins now.