U.S. Brokers Quick Series of Deals to Ensure Support of Gulf Policy : Diplomacy: Turkey wins a promise from Kuwait’s emir that could be worth billions. But fence-sitting Jordan could be a big loser.

In the 10 days since the invasion of Kuwait, American officials have combined promises of American friendship, offers of Kuwaiti money and the threat of Iraqi aggression to broker a series of deals that have cemented support for the drive against Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.

So far, the biggest beneficiary seems to have been Turkey. In a series of telephone calls last weekend and a visit by Secretary of State James A. Baker III on Thursday, President Bush and his aides acted as middlemen in a deal that could bring billions of dollars to the Turks.

Under the plan, whose existence Bush confirmed Friday, Kuwait’s ousted emir--who still controls billions of dollars of oil-generated wealth--will reimburse the Turks for losses incurred from shutting off the flow of Iraqi oil and trade. The deal will bring Turkey roughly $460 million in each of the next four years, a source familiar with the transactions said.

In rallying a worldwide response to Iraqi aggression, Bush and his aides have invoked high moral principles and overriding precepts of global security.

“We’re not in the bazaar or the souk,” said a senior U.S. official who has been a key Bush adviser during the crisis. “This is a common shared necessity.”

But although those factors have played a major role in the extraordinary international support Bush has received so far, the Administration has not neglected appeals to more practical interests as it sought to bring allies on board.

These quickly negotiated arrangements and the ties they create may play a part in U.S. foreign policy long after the confrontation with Iraq reaches its conclusion.

Turkey, for example, is expecting that in return for its support of the U.S. position on Iraq, the United States will support its bid to become further integrated into Europe. Turkey straddles Europe and Asia, but the main foreign policy goal of President Turgut Ozal’s government has been to emphasize the country’s European ties and play down its Asian roots.

Bush made one rhetorical bow in that direction in his nationally broadcast speech Wednesday morning, saying that he was dispatching Baker “to Europe” to consult with Ozal in Ankara. In fact, Ankara is deep in the Asian part of Turkey.

Saudi Arabia, after allowing the United States use of its military bases, quickly won Bush’s approval of sales of additional warplanes that Congress in the past had prevented the Saudis from buying.

And the Soviets, who were quick to lend key support, are now in a stronger position to ask for U.S. concessions on issues important to them.

When U.S. officials talk about the crisis, “the tone about the Soviet Union is as if it were another ally, like France or Germany,” said one congressional foreign policy expert.

Over the past year, as the Soviets stood aside and allowed their former Eastern European satellites to throw off Communist rule, U.S. hostility toward the Soviet Union declined. But questions remain about whether the Soviets were willing to be “a constructive partner on behalf of collective security,” the congressional aide said. “Now we have an affirmative act.”

Only a month ago, when Bush met with fellow leaders of major industrialized nations at the Houston economic summit, he fended off proposals for direct economic aid to the Soviets, fearing political opposition from American conservatives. The summit leaders agreed to re-examine the question later this year, and the Soviet role in the current crisis is likely to make the United States far more willing to consider aid, officials said.

On the other side of the ledger, Jordan, a fence-sitter, could be a big loser. Although it has since expressed opposition to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, Jordan backed Iraq’s Hussein in the immediate aftermath of the invasion.

For years, Jordan’s King Hussein has positioned himself as a moderate, pro-American force in the Middle East. In return, he has received military, political and economic support from the United States and Britain and extensive financial aid from Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf Arab states.

But in the future, Middle East experts said, the Saudis and other gulf leaders are likely to reserve the bulk of their largess for those who were on their side in the current crisis. And in Congress, where Jordan has long been viewed as an American friend, support for King Hussein has evaporated. “I sure would not want to have to shepherd the next Jordanian arms sale through here,” the congressional aide said.

The prospect of Saudi and Kuwaiti gratitude, and the billions of dollars worth of aid that could bring, are widely believed to be a major factor in the burgeoning support that the anti-Iraq effort has attracted from Arab leaders.

How all of this will affect America’s other major concern in the region--Israel--remains unclear. Some analysts believe that in return for their cooperation against Iraq, Arab leaders will demand greater U.S. pressure on Israel.

Others discount that, contending that the crisis will strengthen U.S. support for Israel by demonstrating that the Israelis were correct in warning about Iraq’s Hussein.

The crisis also has had an impact on U.S. relations with its European allies. For the past several months, the Administration has been emphasizing its ties to Germany, a matter that has been deeply disturbing to British leaders, who have cultivated a “special relationship” with the United States ever since World War II.

But when the crisis broke, the first foreign leader to whom Bush turned was Britain’s Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. In part, that was simply coincidence: Thatcher was in the United States to make a speech, and Bush already was planning to meet with her.

But the swift meeting also reflected the reality that Britain was able to lend military and economic support to the U.S. effort. By contrast, even 45 years after the end of World War II, the idea of Germany sending troops to force its will on another country remains internationally unthinkable.

Times staff writer Robin Wright contributed to this story.