Floods Should Bring Wave of Consensus

In flood debris, the Assembly may finally find an organization plan and two co-leaders. If not, it risks being drowned in public scorn.

At play is the old adage about not making a decision until you have to. That time is now for the Assembly. The lawmakers have to get their act together--at least temporarily--for today’s special session on flood relief or they risk the righteous indignation of talk show hosts, editorial writers and, most importantly, voters.

During the Assembly’s five weeks of political paralysis, the public has been patient and preoccupied with other matters, mainly the Orange County bankruptcy, the holidays and the floods. After New Year’s, the Capitol news media have concentrated on Gov. Pete Wilson’s inauguration and proposed budget.

But Wilson--just before flying to Portugal on vacation Sunday--focused a spotlight on the Legislature by calling a special session to expedite passage of flood relief bills dealing with low-interest loans, property tax breaks and help for local government. That spotlight will be clicked on today and the Assembly will look silly if it still isn’t organized.

Democratic leader Willie Brown, who masterfully has been waging a fight to regain his speakership, vows that--one way or another--the Assembly will be ready for today’s special session. Negotiating teams met Wednesday and seemed close to compromise.

Pointing out that California is begging the federal government for help and 37 counties have been declared disaster areas, Brown exhorted the Assembly in one of his familiar rafter-ringing floor speeches:

“People who have gone through the floods, people who have gone through the mudslides, they’re not interested in how many people voted for Republicans or Democrats at the last election. People are interested in whether you can be responsive in a pinch in getting (them the) aid . . . they so desperately need.”

*

Slowly, day by day, Brown has been winning the speakership fight.

Not that he ever will recapture the title of Speaker he held for 14 years. He probably won’t. Most Republicans even recoil at the notion of calling him “co-speaker.” That would restore some mythical power--some invincible force--they believe must forever be exorcised.

“The hated Speaker, the demon Speaker,” Brown facetiously called himself Tuesday in his angry-sounding floor speech, showing both the wisdom that has earned him respect and the personality that has infuriated enemies.

“No matter how desperately you attempt to rewrite history, for 14 years I have carried the title of Speaker. . . . And in many cases I have distinguished this house. . . . You seem to believe somehow you can erase that. That’s impossible, my friends. . . . Willie Brown and the Speaker are almost synonymous. . . .

“That is for all historians to look at and review and chronicle. Currently, three books are in writing on Willie Brown. . . . Wait until I write mine.” The last comment drew laughs. But nobody laughed when he reminded: “I have a seat on this floor. I have unusual ability. I have honed skills. I have a vast amount of experience. That experience can be used to assist you.” He did not have to add that it also could be used to hurt them politically.

*

Virtually all Republicans--all but the maverick Bernie Richter of Chico, whom Democrats finessed into waging his own disruptive fight for Speaker--now are willing to accept Brown as a co-leader of the Assembly. Title it what you will.

Brown would share co-leadership with the GOP’s Jim Brulte of Rancho Cucamonga. And that in itself is a significant triumph for Brown, given that Republicans briefly were swept into a 41-39 majority on Election Day.

But as in championship football, turnovers usually are costly. And the GOP fumbled one of its own to the Democrats. That was Assemblyman Paul Horcher, now likely to be recalled by his Diamond Bar district. To continue the gridiron analogy, Brown used Richter as a diversionary flanker while he kept grinding out more concessions during negotiations.

So far, Republicans and Democrats have agreed to transfer most of the Speaker’s powers to a Rules Committee co-chaired by the party leaders, with members divided equally between parties. The parties also would split the committee chairs. Republicans are seeking one-vote majorities on most committees, while Democrats want the panels split evenly.

The biggest hang-up, however, is that Democrats are insisting on a two-year deal. Republicans demand the ability to change things once they regain their 41st vote, as expected.

The compromise is obvious: Settle on a one-year deal.