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Why the Furor in Sino-U.S. Relations?

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Jiemian Yang is a senior fellow and director of the department of American Studies at Shanghai Institute for International Studies in Shanghai

Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji recently complained that he and Sino-U.S. relations are being victimized by U.S. domestic politics and that his visit to the United States this week is likely to be an occasion for Americans to vent their spleen. He has sufficient reasons to think this. In recent months, Sino-U.S. relations appear to have suffered one setback after another.

These developments have puzzled the Chinese people, who simply don’t understand how such an important relationship could turn so swiftly. They ask:

* Why are some Americans determined to replace the Soviet Union with China as their No. 1 enemy, when China has been a responsible power in buffering the Asian financial crisis, countering nuclear proliferation in South Asia, maintaining peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and, most important, in working with the U.S. to build a constructive strategic partnership?

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* Why do some Americans want to include Taiwan under its proposed theater missile defense system, when cross-strait relations are relaxing?

Of course, Taiwan is at the core of Sino-U.S. relations, but including Taiwan in the TMD system will disrupt cross-strait negotiations and reopen the Taiwan issue in Sino-U.S. relations.

* Why are some Americans disappointed by China’s domestic development, when the Chinese continue to move forward with their program of reform and opening up, which has given the people the best living standard in centuries and freedom to choose where to live, what job to take and whom to vote for at grass-root elections?

* Why do some Americans insist that China stole U.S. nuclear and missile technology despite the fact that the FBI has not found any solid evidence and that for years the Americans have pushed for U.S.-China military-to-military exchanges, arguing successfully that engaging China’s military and defense industry will lead to a China that is more transparent and trustworthy?

These questions clearly reflect the great differences between our two nations in history, culture, values, political systems and economic development. Obviously, we differ on ideology and some national interests. But the only concrete explanation for all the fuss is that some Americans see China as the only sizable “communist” power left in the world and that it poses a threat to the United States. The United States has become accustomed to dealing with a backward and divided China and now that China is emerging, the U.S. is increasingly concerned that a strong, united China would challenge the existing world order.

Another possible explanation is that China is an easy target in the run-up to the presidential elections in 2000 and a convenient political weapon for the Republicans to use against President Clinton.

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Today’s imbroglio also is explained by a growing difference in perceptions. Both countries are talking about democracy, human rights and the rule of law but often on different wavelengths. China’s reform policies focus on ensuring its people’s basic needs and improving its legal system. At this stage of reform, stability is of paramount importance to China’s success, economically and socially. The United States prefers to focus more on direct elections and developing a multi-party political system for China, but it is obvious that the U.S. is really interested in reshaping China in its own image.

Moreover, Chinese and Americans are different in how they think and in how they perceive the relationship. China is a country with long history. Its perspective of the Sino-U.S. relationship is long term and historical. The United States is a young nation and known for its impatience. Since the American political system clamors for quick and immediate results, America’s perspective on U.S.-China relations is short term and ahistorical. What is more, the American either-or style leaves little room for recognizing other models.

But not all the news is bad. The U.S. Senate did vote down a proposal that would have required the president to get congressional approval before signing a World Trade Organization agreement with China, and the Clinton administration remains committed to engagement with China.

Although Zhu’s visit is likely to have some difficulties, it is a clear sign of the two executive branches’ determination to maintain a stable and healthy relationship as well as a window of opportunity to promote better relations.

But as the old saying goes, opportunity knocks only once, and Sino-U.S. relations cannot afford to miss such a good opportunity at this critical time.

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