Clinton Wins Senate Support for U.S. Attacks on Serbia

President Clinton, acknowledging that many Americans cannot even find Kosovo on a map, launched a coordinated campaign Tuesday to persuade Congress and the country as a whole that there is no alternative to military intervention in the rebellious province of Serbia.

In an initial measure of success, the Senate voted, 58-41, to endorse U.S. participation in NATO bombing and cruise missile attacks on Yugoslavia. Although many Republicans expressed doubts about Clinton’s policy, the Senate made it clear that it supported the U.S. military once it is called upon to act.

The concurrent resolution was sent to the House, but there is little chance that the measure will be debated and voted on before the bombs begin to fall.

Sixteen Republicans joined 42 Democrats in authorizing the bombing. Three Democrats and 38 Republicans opposed it. California Sens. Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer supported the president.

Adopting the folksy cadence of the campaign trail, the president told a friendly labor union conference that U.S. prosperity, and even his administration’s domestic programs, hinge on a successful outcome of the showdown with President Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia, where Serbia is the dominant of two republics.

“The whole 20th century is in large measure the story of slaughter that started in Europe,” Clinton said. “Now, if we have learned anything after the Cold War and our memories of World War II, it is that if our country is going to be prosperous and secure, we need a Europe that is safe, secure, free, united, a good partner with us for trading.”

Clinton has been defending his policy in geopolitical terms for weeks. But in his speech to the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, he stripped his rationale down to basics. Between the lines was one of the favorite messages of Clinton’s first presidential campaign: “It’s the economy, stupid.”

“If we’re going to have a strong economic relationship that includes our ability to sell around the world, Europe has got to be a key,” Clinton said. “You may not know a great deal about Kosovo . . . but I want you to see this in terms of the big picture.”

Clinton arrived at the union conference about an hour late after a crisis meeting at the White House with Senate and House leaders. As they left the talks, several lawmakers said they advised the president that he needed to be far more persuasive in explaining to the public the stakes in the Kosovo situation.

“You’ve got to decide, my fellow Americans, if you agree with me, that in the 21st century that America, as the world’s superpower, ought to be standing up against ‘ethnic cleansing’ if we have the means to do it, and we have allies who will help us do it in their neighborhood,” Clinton said. “I ask you to talk to your friends and neighbors about this.

“I ask you to go get down an atlas and look at the map,” he continued. “Pay a little closer attention to the news reports. Think about the arguments that I have made. Think about whether you really agree with me. And say a prayer for the young men and women in uniform who are going to be there to do what I, as their commander in chief, order them to do.”

Clinton described the objective of the bombing in stark terms: “If President Milosevic is not willing to make peace, we will limit his ability to make war.”

Pentagon spokesman Kenneth Bacon elaborated: “We have a military goal, which is to do the best we can to stop the Serbs from making attacks against the Kosovar Albanians” by destroying Serbia’s military infrastructure. “We have plans for a swift and severe air campaign.”

On Capitol Hill, the Senate set aside a measure that would have denied funds for U.S. military action without specific approval of Congress. In its place, lawmakers approved the resolution authorizing the strikes. Proponents said they intended to send a message of U.S. unity to Milosevic.

Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-Texas), principal author of the measure to cut off funds, told reporters: “I disagree with the policy of what we’re doing in Kosovo, but I think it becomes a different issue when [military] action is imminent. . . . While many people may disagree with the president’s policies, I would not want Mr. Milosevic to get the impression that the troops would not have the full support and that the president wouldn’t have the support he needs if we have troops in harm’s way.”

House Majority Leader Dick Armey (R-Texas) concurred.

“One of the things we all agreed to [in the White House meeting] is that, while we may debate among ourselves what is the best policy to pursue . . . we will stand with our people if they are committed to the field. . . ,” he said. “Don’t misunderstand democracy, Mr. Milosevic.”

In the Senate, backers of Clinton’s policy agreed that despite the prospect of U.S. casualties, the dangers of inaction outweighed the perils of action. Opponents complained that the bombing amounted to NATO intervention in a civil war.

The looming military action claimed a diplomatic casualty when Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny M. Primakov abruptly called off a visit to the United States to protest the likely use of force. Primakov ordered his aircraft to turn around as he was nearing the North American coast after Vice President Al Gore told him by telephone that military action was imminent.

The United States and its North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies closed their embassies in Belgrade on Tuesday. State Department spokesman James P. Rubin said most U.S. diplomats had already left the Serbian and Yugoslav capital. He said Sweden will handle U.S. interests there.