Common Cause Seeks Public Funding : PACs’ Share of Donations Up in 1986 House Election

House members’ heavy reliance on special-interest money to pay for increasingly expensive campaigns surged again dramatically in the 1986 elections, Common Cause said Tuesday in a study that the nonprofit citizens lobby is using to promote partial public funding of congressional campaigns.

The number of representatives dependent on political action committees for at least half of their campaign funds totaled 194 in 1986--an 18% increase over 1984 and more than double the number in 1982.

Leading the pack was Rep. Augustus F. Hawkins (D-Los Angeles), chairman of the House Education and Labor Committee, who raised 92% of his funds from special-interest groups. Fourteen other Californians relied on PACs for more than half of their receipts.

The Common Cause study, based on candidate reports to the Federal Election Commission, also showed that PACs have “all but abandoned the idea of contributing to House challengers,” favoring incumbents by a ratio of 6 to 1 in 1986--up from 4.6 to 1 only two years earlier.

House, Senate Donations

Overall, PACs gave $84.6 million to House candidates and $45.7 million to Senate hopefuls in the general elections last year, a 28% jump over 1984.

“This is a rotten, awful, terrible system for the country,” Common Cause President Fred Wertheimer said, charging that PACs’ use of contributions to purchase access and influence threatens the “destruction of representative government.”

His group supports legislation by Sens. David L. Boren (D-Okla.) and Robert C. Byrd (D-W.Va.) that would sharply curb PAC contributions and provide partial taxpayer funding to candidates who voluntarily adhere to spending limits.

At a news conference, Wertheimer predicted a “tough, brutal fight” on the measure but described chances for passage as “very good.”

Hawkins said in an interview that it should come as no surprise that he relies heavily on donations from PACs instead of individuals because his district, which includes Watts, is one of the least affluent in the nation.

Serves Poor District

“I don’t have a lot of the usual political contributors in my district, where half the people are near the poverty level or below,” he said.

But aside from that, Hawkins added, he prefers PAC money as a matter of policy.

“I have found PACs to be a lot safer than individuals, many of whom are anonymous and you don’t know whether they may have some conflict of interest. . . . PACs are responsible and deal out in the open,” he said.

Hawkins, a 24-year veteran who has never faced strong opposition to his reelection, added that mostly labor and education groups contributed $80,688 to his last campaign “because I stand for what they usually stand for. I don’t think they unduly influence me.”

Backs Tighter Limits

Nevertheless, he said, he supports tighter PAC limits and public financing of campaigns because “that would completely take out any of the influence peddling that might be implied” by the current system.

The Common Cause study found that spending in 1986 House races soared to $194.1 million, an 18% increase over 1984. An earlier study disclosed that spending in last year’s battle for control of the Senate rose even faster, hitting $178.9 million, a 31% jump over 1984.

Californians besides Hawkins who relied heavily on PACs were Reps. Jerry Lewis (R-Highland), 74%; William M. Thomas (R-Bakersfield), 72%; Henry A. Waxman (D-Los Angeles), 72%; Matthew G. Martinez (D-Monterey Park), 72%; Pete Stark (D-Oakland), 62%; Don Edwards (D-San Jose), 59%; Richard H. Lehman (D-Sanger), 59%; Julian C. Dixon (D-Los Angeles), 59%; Robert E. Badham (R-Newport Beach), 53%; Ron Packard (R-Carlsbad), 52%; Douglas H. Bosco (D-Occidental), 51%; Vic Fazio (D-Sacramento), 51%; Esteban E. Torres (D-La Puente), 51%, and William E. Dannemeyer (R-Fullerton), 50%.