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Avoiding the Pitfalls of a Perfect Victory : Geopolitics: A new world order requires new roles for America’s allies, who must help the U.S. avoid unilateralism.

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Yasuhiro Nakasone was prime minister of Japan from 1982 to 1987

The world owes heartfelt respect to the United States for its remarkable, distinguished leadership during the Gulf crisis.

While the Free World shares in the joy surrounding the restoration of world order, some wariness is emerging that the United States, intoxicated with the decisive victory under its leadership, might become inclined to take unilateral action in world affairs and increase pressure on other governments with respect to critical trade and economic issues.

In Japan there is a belief that perfection is imperfect. That is, virtual success serves as the basis for future success because it encourages caution. Complete success, on the other hand, may lead to future failure because it creates room for negligence.

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Especially with its menacing domestic problems--the very large trade and fiscal deficits, the savings-and-loan crisis, unemployment, education, social welfare and drugs--the United States must be careful now to avoid negligence and overextension of its power as it basks in the exuberant celebration of just victory. This issue is already heading toward the top of the agenda in American politics. I believe that Americans have regained the courage and confidence in the country’s ability to cope with these difficult issues.

America’s global economic partners can help avoid the mistake of the imperfection of perfection in the new international order by learning an important lesson from their less-than-satisfactory participation in the Gulf War. For the moment, Japan and Germany may be required to play a principally economic role. In addition, to mere financial contributions, both should now move beyond existing legal constraints and participate in future international efforts to keep the peace.

As an immediate goal, Japan should begin to clear the road for participation of the Self-Defense Forces in peacekeeping operations and logistical support of peace restoration efforts authorized by the United Nations. Japan’s cooperation should include the supply and transportation of materials, communications, medical services and construction of facilities by non-combat SDF units. Japan must either amend the SDF law or enact legislation similar to the U.N. peace cooperation bill, which failed to pass in the preceding Diet session. The constitution need not be amended since the dispatch of non-combat units is not unconstitutional. Even these efforts will require immense political efforts to change a public consciousness still wedded to an outmoded concept of “one-nation pacifism.”

Japan and Germany should show that they are U.S. allies that can be counted on to work together under the U.N. charter in instances of crises that may threaten Western security.

In coordination with the other Western economic powers and in consultation with China and the Soviet Union, Japan and Germany can help construct a new “Pax Consortium” led by the United States to fill in the post-Cold War security vacuum.

There is no doubt that the United States, with both the sense of mission and the military capability it possesses, is a key player in maintaining the world order. Yet I believe the world expects the United States in this new era to be a “humble superpower.”

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In the Gulf War, Iraq’s actions were a blatant, clear and unjust violation of international law. The nature of the issue was easily understood and supportive world opinion easily mustered. But we should regard this episode as an exceptional case. In preparation for the future, a new formula for responsibility-sharing, based on the experiences of the Gulf crisis, should be built to share and alleviate America’s burden. Such cooperation should combine three elements:

-- A political framework for security and stability, such as the highly successful Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe, for each region or subregion, large or small.

-- An international mechanism under U.N. auspices to regulate or ban and monitor arms exports to a country that possesses, or intends to possess, an incomparably large military capability in the region. Under this mechanism, the export of the so-called “ABC” weapons--atomic, biological and chemical, as well as long-range missiles--should be totally banned.

-- A planned military compatibility for the rapid deployment of allied forces, based on the success of the Rapid Deployment Forces established by the Americans in the Carter-Reagan era.

Throughout the Gulf crisis, the indispensable role of the United States as the sole superpower has been confirmed and an excellent precedent of a U.N.-based settlement of armed conflict has been set. It is now time for other Western powers to take up their responsibilities and flesh out the structure of the new world order.

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