Farm Workers March to the Capitol, but Davis’ Steps Will Come Later

Farm workers marched to the Capitol on Sunday and surrounded the governor. They’ve got him within their grasp. They can’t lose.

Conversely, the governor can’t win unless he eventually sides with the workers and drags angry growers along with him.

This is classic grass-roots, squeaky-wheel, protest politics--the kind that trumps big money. It’s about the only thing that does.

Farm workers, most of whom earn less than $10,000 per year, don’t have spare dollars to spend on politicians’ campaigns.

By contrast, agriculture interests have given Gov. Gray Davis roughly $1.5 million, including more than $100,000 earlier this month as the Democratic Legislature was passing a bill they opposed to greatly strengthen the workers’ collective bargaining position with growers.

But the United Farm Workers union, though weakened from its heyday in the ‘70s, does possess potent symbolism that can inspire or shame, especially Democrats in power. It symbolizes exploited labor, liberal activism and the legend of Cesar Chavez, the late UFW founder.

The workers also have rich celebrities on their side, Hollywood activist-donors who particularly impress this governor. Dozens signed an open letter urging Davis to sign the workers’ bill, including Warren Beatty, Robert Redford, Barbra Streisand, Jack Nicholson, Martin Sheen....

Union members, marching behind their red and black Aztec eagle flag, reached the Capitol on a mildly warm day. The governor was nowhere to be seen. But he’d already gotten the message, both from the workers and the powerful author of their bill, Senate leader John Burton (D-San Francisco).

“If he vetoes this,” Burton said, “I will never forgive him.”

An estimated 5,000 workers and their supporters packed the north steps and lawn of the Capitol. Some had marched for 10 days, 150 miles up from Merced.

One was UFW co-founder Dolores Huerta, 72. In 1966, she had marched with Chavez for 25 days from Delano’s grape fields to the Capitol, a historic trek that put their union on the map.

Huerta nearly died last year from an abdominal aneurysm that required massive blood transfusions. But she marched each day last week, saying: “This bill is so important to me that if the governor signs it, I would die happy.”

The purpose of that first march 36 years ago was to gain public sympathy for the farm workers’ cause. It succeeded, leading to collective bargaining rights nine years later.

The stated purpose of the latest march was to pressure Davis into signing the workers’ bill, which would permit binding arbitration when contract talks between the union and a grower are deadlocked.

But clearly the march also was undertaken to rekindle the Chavez spirit and reassert the union into the Democratic political consciousness.

The UFW, indeed, did receive a political and publicity boost from the trek. Moreover, it’s likely that some collective bargaining improvement--perhaps even binding arbitration--ultimately will be signed by Davis, assuming he is reelected in November.

But not right now, apparently, despite last-minute negotiations between UFW and grower representatives that were coordinated by the Davis administration. This particular bill is headed for a veto.

“There’ll be serious negotiations next year,” says a Davis senior advisor. “The union’s already on third base. They’re going to win no matter what.”

In the end, a Democratic governor--who owes his election to organized labor--must side with impoverished workers, not Republican-leaning growers.

Davis realizes the present collective bargaining system doesn’t work for field hands, aides say. But the UFW is asking for revolutionary change in labor law and, let’s face it, this governor is an incrementalist who prefers itty-bitty steps to bold moves.

He is the self-proclaimed canoeist who paddles a little on the left, a little on the right and keeps going slowly down the middle. The best signal that Davis plans to veto the farm labor bill was his disclosure last week that, after months of ruminating, he now intends to sign a measure allowing illegal immigrants to obtain a driver’s license.

One stroke on the left for immigrants, one on the right for growers.

A strong case politically can be made, however, for signing the bill now. Davis’ biggest danger on Nov. 5 is that liberals--the Democratic base--will be so disgusted with him, largely because of his canoeist centrism, that they’ll refuse to vote. Rejecting the farm workers’ bill only will aggravate their hostility.

That’s why any veto message should outline a possible path for compromise between workers and growers. Then Davis will have to put together the deal, making both sides feel happy about it. He’ll need all his paddling skills.