Voter Appeal, Savvy Style Put Robbins Back in Stride

Just four years ago, state Sen. Alan Robbins (D-Van Nuys) seemed headed toward political oblivion.

Though he was acquitted of felony sex charges in a highly publicized 1981 trial, Robbins, who had lost a bitter 1977 contest for mayor of Los Angeles, glumly concluded it would be “unlikely that I’ll ever hold office outside the San Fernando Valley.”

Since then, Robbins, 42, who handily beat a well-financed Republican challenger in 1982 and is poised to seek reelection next year, has made the most of his lowered political sights.

Among other things, Robbins has:

Cemented his role as the linchpin of the 11-member Valley legislative delegation. As such, he is credited by his Democratic and Republican colleagues for his key role in bringing to the Valley a state office building and a number of courthouses.

These buildings are a “tangible reflection that the Valley is getting its fair share,” Assemblyman Richard Katz (D-Sepulveda) said. Another Valley area legislator, Sen. Ed Davis (R-Valencia), dubbed Robbins “an effective quarterback for the Valley” who gets the ball “over the goal line eight times out of 10.”

Emerged as one of the Senate’s more powerful members and one of its champion fund-raisers, in part because he was named chairman of the influential Senate Insurance, Claims and Corporations Committee. Although this is not an election year, he ranked behind only Senate President Pro Tem David A. Roberti (D-Los Angeles) as the Senate’s most successful fund-raiser, with $261,000 to his credit between Jan. 1 and Sept. 30, according to the state Fair Political Practices Commission.

Expressed an interest, for the first time since the trial, in running for another office. Specifically, Robbins has sounded out his supporters on the possibility of running for the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors if the seat held by Mike Antonovich becomes vacant.

In all, Robbins is “like a cat who always lands on his feet,” said a former aide, who, along with a number of Robbins’ friends and enemies, agreed to be interviewed only if his name was not printed.

Part of Robbins’ secret of survival appears to be his ability to earn voter approval by embracing positions, such as his anti-busing stand, that are popular in the Valley. In 1979, Robbins spearheaded the campaign for Proposition 1, which was aimed at requiring state courts to follow looser U. S. Supreme Court guidelines in busing cases and resulted in the end of mandatory school busing in Los Angeles. He is poised to play a major role in the return of the busing issue to the federal courts, as ordered by the Supreme Court in October.

In another issue expected to generate interest in the Valley, Robbins and Davis are teaming up for a death-penalty initiative they hope to put on the ballot next year.

Robbins said Valley issues are uppermost in his mind.

Valley as Stepchild

“When I was first elected to office in early 1973, the San Fernando Valley was treated as the stepchild of Los Angeles,” Robbins said. “We had virtually no court buildings. We had no state building. We had very poor city services and the Valley was not a political force.”

Describing himself as a moderate to conservative Democrat, Robbins crosses party lines to cater to conservative working-class voters as well as Republican business leaders in the Valley, where registered Democrats outnumber Republicans 57% to 33%. The other 10% declined to state their preference or named minor parties.

Robbins spends most weekends in his 20th District, making the rounds of shopping-mall events, synagogues and community meetings, constantly connecting with constituents.

But while he is popular at home, his colleagues say Robbins is one of the most disliked senators in Sacramento, where he is seen as a brash arm-twister and an eager champion for special-interest legislation.

Because of this view, for several years he was denied a committee chairmanship by his fellow Democrats.

Former Senate President Pro Tem James R. Mills (D-San Diego), who also served as chairman of the Rules Committee, which makes committee assignments, said his colleagues feared that Robbins would be too “heavy-handed” in raising campaign contributions if he headed a committee.

Named to Chairmanship

Robbins was named a chairman five years ago, and only after he helped Roberti topple Mills as Senate leader.

However, Robbins bristled at the suggestion of his having a cozy relationship with special interests. “I know many colleagues who do lots more arm-twisting than I do. And many who served as chairmen under Mills did a lot more,” he said. Robbins said the bulk of his campaign contributions are made by Valley residents and business people, not Sacramento lobbyists representing special interests.

In a recent interview, Robbins acknowledged that he is sometimes an irritant in the state Capitol. Evaluating his role in channeling millions of dollars’ worth of pork-barrel projects to the Valley, such as the new Van Nuys state office building, Robbins said:

“Some of my colleagues have said that I make enough of a pest of myself over a long enough period of time that it’s easier for them to build the building I want built than to continue to explain why they’re not building it.”

Los Angeles Board of Education member Roberta Weintraub, a longtime friend and sometime Sunday jogging partner, said: “I don’t think he gives a damn whether people up there like him or don’t like him.”

‘Ability to Link and Associate’

Sen. Diane Watson (D-Los Angeles), a former Los Angeles school board member who openly dislikes Robbins for his stand on busing, described him as probably having “one of the most cunning minds of anyone in the Legislature. His success comes from his ability to link and associate what people need with what he wants.”

The public-interest group Common Cause has been highly critical of Robbins, asserting that he caters to special interests more than most other legislators. In September, diners at a Common Cause roast took a shot at Robbins by voting him the group’s first “Bruce Young Award,” named after the former Norwalk assemblyman known for special-interest bills.

Robbins said he took the Common Cause award “in the gesture of good humor that they feel it was meant.”

Walter Zelman, lobbyist for Common Cause, was especially critical of a Robbins’ fund-raising event last month in which he squired about 40 Valley businessmen and lobbyists on a weeklong trip to Jamaica. Each vacationer was asked to pay $1,699 for round-trip air fare and hotel accommodations. Robbins has declined to say how much he earned from the trip for his campaign.

Zelman said the trip was unusual because, unlike most fund-raisers in which politicians charge contributors for a dinner or reception on a single night, Robbins provided his contributors the chance to lobby him for a full week. To Zelman, the message Robbins gave was, “For those who want to spend a lot of money, you can have unique access to me.”

Zelman said the trip also contributed to “a general perception among many people in Sacramento that Robbins is very tied in with certain kinds of special interests.”

Zelman, however, acknowledged that, on occasion, Robbins has put the weight of his chairmanship behind pro-consumer positions. For instance, Zelman said, this year Robbins and his staff were helpful in approving a consumer advisory panel--something the public-interest group had sought in legislation.

Working Relationships

Some of Robbins’ contributors have established close working relationships with the senator.

Take the case of Mel Shaw, president of Los Angeles-based United States Credit Bureau, one of the state’s largest debt collection agencies. His firm has donated more than $18,000 to Robbins in the past four years, according to the computerized information service Legi-Tech.

Robbins has carried several bills to revamp the way debt collectors are regulated. In the process, the two men say, they have become acquainted, and Robbins has appointed Shaw to a group that advises the Senate insurance committee on collection-industry issues.

Earlier this year, the group recommended legislation, which Robbins introduced, to make a major change in the operation of small claims courts, which are designed to allow average people to litigate against one another on an equal footing.

Under Robbins’ proposal, debt collectors, who represent creditors, would be allowed to take debtors to small claims court instead of municipal court.

Opposition quickly surfaced. The Los Angeles County Municipal Court Judges’ Assn. opposed the measure, saying the simplified procedures of small claims courts are appropriately limited to direct claims of the people involved and should not involve a third party, such as debt collectors.

In the face of criticism, Robbins said he will seek a compromise when the Legislature reconvenes in January.

Meantime, Shaw remains in Robbins’ corner.

“I’ll make my campaign contributions not only to Sen. Robbins but to anyone who appears to at least approach issues with an open mind, when speaking of my industry, when considering the business side and not just the consumer side of an issue,” Shaw said.

Extended Vision

The sharp-eyed Robbins’ vision extends far beyond the Sepulveda Pass on other issues, too.

Among his bills are ones affecting the insurance, banking and motion picture industries. In the 1983-84 legislative session, he introduced 134 bills--the second highest number for any state lawmaker--and he appears headed on a similar pace in the current session. His flood of bills, along with those of several other legislators, sparked attempts by the Legislature to limit the number of bills any one legislator can introduce.

Perhaps his key measure in the past few years was a bill that requires motorists to carry proof of insurance--a bill favored by some key lobbyists for the insurance industry. Robbins co-authored the proposal, which took effect in July.

Also, Robbins has emerged as a major opponent to allowing full interstate banking, as sought by some New York-based banks. Instead, he is pushing a bill to allow regional banking in the West, as favored by some California-based banks.

Robbins is widely believed to be among the Senate’s wealthier members, with real estate holdings in Marina del Rey, Westwood, North Hollywood and other locations.

Blurring of Interests Charged

His critics have contended that sometimes the lines between Robbins’ business enterprises and legislation are blurred.

After he bought a share of a major Marina del Rey leasehold last year, leaders of a drive to incorporate the area complained that Robbins was playing a role in a controversial measure to short-circuit their campaign. They said Robbins and other marina-area landlords feared that a city in the marina would impose rent controls to limit their profits.

Sen. Bill Lockyer (D-Hayward) told The Times earlier this year that Robbins was among a group of senators who planted the idea for the legislation in his mind. Robbins said he could not recall discussing the issue with Lockyer and publicly distanced himself from the measure introduced by Lockyer by not voting on it. The bill passed the Legislature and was signed into law.

Paramount to Robbins’ political survival has been his keen ability to keep his finger on the political pulse. He seems to be able to sense what issues are hot and what will get him the most mileage in his district.

Stand on Busing

The best example of this, according to West Valley City Councilwoman Joy Picus, was Robbins’ opposition to mandatory school busing.

When the issue reached the boiling point in the Valley in the late 1970s, Robbins was at the forefront of opposition. After he lost the 1977 race for mayor, Robbins devoted much of his attention to getting Proposition 1 on the ballot.

“When busing was a major issue for the Valley, boy, that was Alan’s issue,” Picus said. “Alan is a shrewd politician. . . . He is a Valley legislator.”

Among the other constituents Robbins is sensitive to in his district are his fellow Jews.

As an example, earlier this year he lent $43,000 in campaign funds to Phil Blazer, publisher of Encino-based Israel Today newspaper, to smuggle Falasha Jews out of Sudan. Robbins then turned around and presented Blazer with a Senate Rules Committee resolution of commendation.

Campaign Style

Other than a few flecks of gray in his hair and a few creases on his tanned face, Robbins still has the boyish smile voters encountered when he first campaigned nearly 13 years ago.

Robbins’ style was on display on a recent Saturday afternoon at Panorama Mall in Panorama City, where he was attending a safety fair aimed at alerting the public about services available from law enforcement agencies.

At one exhibit, a young woman asked Robbins, who had his 13-year-old daughter in tow, to ride a stationary exercise bicycle. Robbins, wearing gray slacks and a tie, hopped on the bike and feverishly pedaled while tossing yellow ballpoint pens emblazoned with his name to bemused shoppers.

Later, he beamed as Crystal Johnwell of Pacoima talked about how he persuaded her to register to vote while he was campaigning in a beauty shop 12 years ago. Johnwell said she has been voting for him ever since.

Roots in Childhood

The seeds of Robbins’ political career were planted when he was in grade school in North Hollywood.

Robbins recalled that he and his family had moved to the Valley, where the relatively dry climate was recommended for his brother, who had cerebral palsy. But because their street was unpaved, his brother’s breathing problems grew worse until City Councilman Everett G. Burkhalter was instrumental in getting the city to surface the street.

“This was a very impressive thing,” said Robbins, who later campaigned for Burkhalter.

At his recent North Hollywood High School 25th class reunion in Universal City, Robbins’ classmates pictured the teen-aged Robbins as a “bookish” intellectual who edited the school paper.

He went on to UCLA and UCLA law school, graduating at age 23. Robbins married and had two children, a son and daughter who are both teen-agers. He was divorced about five years ago.

After a stint as a legislative consultant, Robbins went to Assemblyman Tom Bane (D-Tarzana) for advice about a political career. Bane told him that it would be difficult to live on a lawmaker’s salary and suggested that he ought to become a successful businessman before seeking office.

Bane said Robbins replied, “OK. As soon as I make a million dollars can I run?” Bane said he laughed but, to his surprise, within a few years Robbins met the goal and launched his political career.

An Upset Victory

Robbins eventually won an upset victory in a special Senate election in which he spent about $338,000--more than anyone had ever spent getting elected to the Legislature.

Shortly before the balloting, his opponent accused Robbins of plagiarism because of the similarity between a Robbins campaign brochure and one issued by the John F. Kennedy presidential campaign in 1960.

At the time, Robbins said the brochure “may not be a highly original piece of work . . . but it is an accurate and fair presentation of the Alan Robbins story, along a format previously used in a Kennedy brochure.”

In 1981, Robbins found himself facing charges that he had had sex with two 16-year-old high school students he met in the Capitol in 1978 and 1979.

After stories that appeared in The Times about Robbins, the Sacramento County district attorney charged him with four counts of unlawful intercourse and five counts of oral copulation involving two underage girls. Under California law, it is a felony to have sexual intercourse and oral copulation with a girl under 18 who is not one’s wife.

Robbins blamed The Times for triggering the trial, alleging that two of the newspaper’s reporters had persuaded one of the girls to go public with her charges.

Although he was acquitted after a 36-day trial, Robbins said the case left its mark.

Trial Had ‘Tough Impact’

“It had a tough impact on me personally and on my kids,” Robbins said. “It can’t help but change you and, maybe in a way, it was a humbling experience to go through.”

Bane said the trial has helped change Robbins.

“I think he’s maturing. He used to be very abrasive. I think he’s changed a bit,” Bane said. “The court trial had a very sobering effect on him and he’s conducted himself differently.”

In assessing his future, Robbins said that “chances are” he won’t be in the Senate when he turns 50 eight years from now.

“I don’t think anyone can effectively maintain a really good level of legislative activity for 25 or 30 years. Most of the legislators who serve that long tend to reach a point where they become more passive than active.”