It's no secret that President Trump's popularity varies widely from one part of the country to another -- deeply unpopular in the Northeast and the West, more favorably viewed in the South and the country's interior.
That's still true, but as Trump's overall popularity has declined this year, his state-by-state standing has shifted in places that could play major roles in next fall's midterm elections.
President Trump continued attacking Republican Sen. Bob Corker, belittling the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman over his stark criticisms of the president as Trump's allies called for the senator to step down.
Trump resorted to name-calling on Twitter, as is his preference, labeling the 5-foot-7-inch Tennessee senator "Liddle' Bob Corker."
The Failing @nytimes set Liddle' Bob Corker up by recording his conversation. Was made to sound a fool, and that's what I am dealing with!
Critics say Trump's tirades against a growing list of top Republicans, including Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), are alienating the key members of his party needed to advance tax reform and the rest of the president's legislative agenda on Capitol Hill.
Indiana officials are refusing to release an indeterminate number of emails from private AOL.com accounts Mike Pence used as governor, and they’re not saying whether the vice president’s lawyers influenced which messages should be withheld.
Republican Gov. Eric Holcomb’s office has released more than 1,300 pages of his predecessor’s emails, although most of the documents — released in multiple batches over recent months — contain little substance. They largely consist of correspondence from staffers sharing press releases or news articles, laudatory notes from Pence’s fans and documents so heavily redacted they’re barely readable.
“It’s hard to justify withholding information after a governor leaves office,” said Nate Jones, of the National Security Archive at George Washington University, which advocates for government transparency. “It makes it look like they aren’t subscribing to good open-government practices.”
Any day now, President Trump is expected to take steps that have the potential to unravel one of the most important nuclear antiproliferation deals of the century.
Trump has indicated he will declare that the agreement the Obama administration and five other world powers reached with Iran in 2015 to suspend its nuclear program is not sufficiently strong to benefit “U.S. national security interests.” Iran should no longer be seen as in compliance with the accord, Trump is expected to say.
His judgment is shared by a number of conservative organizations and members of Congress. Many others, including several of his top Cabinet officials, most European diplomats and the United Nations, disagree with him and say the deal is working.
At the start of Donald Trump’s presidency, Sen. Bob Corker reacted like most other Republicans to the daily White House outbursts and tweets. He largely withheld criticism and called for patience as the new administration settled in.
Corker, though, stood out by sometimes letting slip what he was privately thinking — through an eye roll or head shake, though usually softened by his easy Tennessee banter.
But since announcing that he would not stand for reelection, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has unleashed some of his most unvarnished, inner thoughts about Trump, borrowing from the president’s own preference for direct, public confrontation over diplomacy.
Lawmakers who favor a deal to protect approximately 700,000 young immigrants facing possible deportation because of the end of the Obama administration’s DACA program are seeking to drive a wedge between President Trump and hard-liners on his staff, launching appeals directly to a president who they see as potentially sympathetic to people brought illegally to the U.S. as children.
President Trump said he has an economic development bill, “which nobody knows about,” that would provide incentives to keep companies in the U.S. and “severely” penalize them if they move offshore.
"It's both a carrot and a stick," Trump said in an interview with Forbes that appeared online Tuesday.
"It is an incentive to stay. But it is perhaps even more so — if you leave, it's going to be very tough for you to think that you're going to be able to sell your product back into our country,” he said.
Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s decision to seek a sixth term in theory leaves her open to a fierce challenge from someone closer to the ascendant and most vocal voters in a party that has moved sharply to the left and begun a generational shift.
Feinstein has long straddled two camps in California, demonstrating enough liberal tendencies to attract a majority of Democrats and enough moderate ones to be acceptable to those in the middle of the political spectrum. Early in her career, for example, she gained credit among moderate voters by drawing boos from a crowd of liberal party activists when she said she favored the death penalty in some cases.
In recent years, that sort of straddle has become an increasingly difficult posture to maintain.
President Trump suggested he's smarter than Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, saying in an interview published Tuesday that if Tillerson did call him a moron, as reported, the two should "compare IQ tests."
"And I can tell you who is going to win," Trump said to Forbes magazine.
Trump's tense relationship with Tillerson burst into public view last week. An NBC News story claimed Vice President Mike Pence had to talk Tillerson out of resigning this past summer, and that Tillerson had called Trump a "moron."